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A F R I e A 








Printed in Great Britain 


booklet consists of addresses delivered 
during November 1929. The first address was 
given before the Royal Scottish Geographical Society 
at Edinburgh and Glasgow on 21 and 22 November. 
The second, third, and fourth were the Rhodes 
Memorial Lectures delivered in the Sheldonian 
Theatre at Oxford on the 2, 9, and 16 November. 
The fifth is a speech made at a meeting of the 
League of Nations Union in the Guildhall, London, 
on 14 November to celebrate the tenth anniversary 
of the League. And the sixth was delivered as the 
Sidgwick Memorial Lecture in Newnham College, 
Cambridge, on 30 November. 



December 1929 








INDEX 181 





ET me begin by thanking the Royal Scottish 
Geographical Society of Edinburgh for their 
kind invitation which has brought me here. I fear 
I shall not be able to add appreciably to the geo- 
graphical knowledge of such a nation of travellers as 
the Scots. But at any rate I have the opportunity of 
seeing Scotland again the Scots I see anywhere 
and of revisiting this great city which did me such 
signal honour in the years of the Great War. I have 
come here partly to discharge this long-standing debt 
of gratitude. The debt, however, goes beyond the 
reception and the honours of twelve years ago. In 
a sense it is not personal but national. For South 
Africans can never forget, and will never forget, what 
Scotland and Scots have done and meant for them. 
South Africa owes you a very exceptional and special 
debt for your great contribution to her development 
and progress. It would be difficult to do adequate 
justice to the work which Scotsmen have done in 
the upbuilding of our young country. Your special 
contribution has consisted not so much in your 
wares and manufactures as in your manhood. You 
have exported to us as indeed you have exported 
so liberally to many other young countries your 
greatest asset: your character, talent, genius. Your 
national character, like your theology, has left an 
ineffaceable impress on South Africa. It is often 


difficult to know where the Scots end and the Dutch 
begin. Between the English and the Dutch in South 
Africa you have been a strong link, a bond of under- 
standing and sympathy and good humour. Like St. 
Paul, and probably from his Epistles, you have 
learnt to be all things to all men ; and in a country of 
sharp contrasts and keen bargainers like South 
Africa you have been the honest broker who has 
helped both, and not forgotten himself. For these 
and other innumerable services we owe you a deep 
debt of gratitude. 

But there is one service above all others which you 
have rendered South Africa, or rather let me say 
Southern Africa: I mean your gift to us of David 
Livingstone. Livingstone was not only our greatest 
explorer, and the greatest explorer ever produced by 
Scotland, he was also our greatest propagandist. 
With Rhodes he was one of the two men who did 
more in the past to spread the name and fame of 
Southern Africa than probably any others. He taught 
the world that our sub-continent existed, and his 
plain unvarnished report seemed such wild romance 
that Africa almost immediately became the Mecca of 
the adventurous spirits from every part of the world. 
Livingstone placed us in the limelight and we have 
been there ever since. We are no longer the Dark 
Continent. Beyond this superb advertisement which 
he gave us, he made geographical discoveries which 
have placed his name among the select few in that 
class. He lifted the veil from Southern Africa, and 
added more to the knowledge of her mysterious in- 


terior than perhaps any other man has done. In 
recognition of his work the great National Memorial 
will be erected to his memory near the Victoria 
Falls in the near future; and the few words I am 
going to say to-day are largely intended to foreshadow 
that event, to draw attention to it, and to set men 
thinking once more of the great hero who gave his life 
for knowledge: the great humanitarian who more 
than any one else can claim the honour of having 
abolished African slavery : the great Christian whose 
character and example made the natives of Africa be- 
lieve that the white men were gods and not men of 
the same clay as themselves. The white man's pres- 
tige in Africa is, alas, no longer what it was; but it 
has proved the greatest moral force in the betterment 
of Africa, and it was in a large measure due to the 
enormous impression which Livingstone made on 
the natives from one end of the sub-continent to the 
other. You will remember the tribute which the hard 
and cold Stanley paid to his character after having 
lived with him in close intimacy for months in the 
wilds. And you can imagine the impression which his 
extraordinarily noble personality must have made on 
the simple African savages. 

*A character', says Stanley, 'that I venerated, that called 
forth all my enthusiasm and sincerest admiration. You may 
take any point in Dr. Livingstone's character, and analyse it 
carefully, and I will challenge any man to find a fault in it. 
His religion is a constant, earnest, sincere practice. It is 
neither demonstrative nor loud, but manifests itself in a 
quiet practical way, and is always at work. In him religion 
exhibits its loveliest features; it governs his conduct, not 


only towards his servants, but towards the natives, the 
bigoted Mahomedans, and all who come in contact with him. 
Without it, Livingstone, with his ardent temperament, his 
enthusiasm, his high spirit and courage, must have become 
uncompanionable and a hard master. Religion has tamed 
him and made him a Christian gentleman, the most com- 
panionable of men and indulgent of masters.' I 

It has always been to me a source of regret that he 
fell out with the Transvaal Boers and never had a 
good word to say about them. I once took the oppor- 
tunity to discuss the matter with President Kruger, 
and his explanation of the differences which arose 
between the Boers and Livingstone was that Gordon 
Gumming another of your errant countrymen 
had supplied the border tribes with rifles and am- 
munition in exchange for ivory, and that the Boers, 
finding the natives armed, concluded erroneously 
that Livingstone had done so, and treated him ac- 
cordingly. For this rough treatment I made some 
small amends after sixty years when I was a Transvaal 
Minister, and the remains of Livingstone's mission 
station at Mabotsa were discovered in the Transvaal. 
I had the ruins restored as far as possible, and fenced 
in, and put in charge of the local native chief to look 
after and care for: in that way a record is still pre- 
served of the place where he spent two happy years 
with his bride, Mary Moffat. After that small atten- 
tion and this lecture I hope his implacable spirit 
against my people will at last relent. 

On the ist of June 1849 Livingstone set forth 

1 How I found Livingstone, pp. 430, 434. 


from his Bechuana mission station on that career of 
discovery which was to carry him to Lake Ngami in 
that year, and ultimately to the glorious end on Lake 
Bangweolo twenty-four years after. Before we pro- 
ceed to look at his work, let us pause and ask what 
was then known of the interior of Africa. Of the 
interior of North Africa our very scanty knowledge at 
that time was almost entirely due to the amazing 
journeys in the eighteenth and the beginning of the 
nineteenth centuries of three other Scotsmen : Mungo 
Park, who travelled and was eventually killed in the 
region of the Upper Niger ; Laing, who crossed the 
Sahara from Tripoli to Timbuktu and was killed 
by the Touarek of the Sahara; and Bruce, who 
explored in the region of Abyssinia and the Blue Nile. 
At the same time that Livingstone started in the 
south, Henry Earth started from Tripoli across the 
Sahara, discovered Lake Chad, explored the sur- 
rounding territories and rivers, and then marched 
through Hausaland to the Niger; whence, after 
further amazing travels he turned back to Tripoli and 
England. His great discoveries, recorded in five 
volumes, place him in the very front rank of African 
travellers. On the East Coast the missionaries Krapf 
and Rebmann were exploring the country behind 
Mombasa, and in 1848 first saw Kilimanjaro and, in 
the following year, Mount Kenya ; while they heard 
vague rumours of the great lakes farther west, and 
there was the ancient, still vaguer rumour of the 
Mountains of the Moon in the interior. In South- 
West Africa Francis Galton and Andersson the 


latter to become famous for his subsequent Kalahari 
travels were at that time exploring the country 
behind Walfish Bay, without, however, getting as 
far as Lake Ngami. This, little as it is, was in sub- 
stance the extent of our knowledge of the interior 
of Africa when Livingstone started on his first 
journey. The vast Congo basin was a sealed book, 
Eastern and Central Africa with its lakes and vol- 
canoes, its rift valleys and rivers, was quite unknown ; 
the Zambesi was known to the Portuguese as far as 
Tete, and there was some vague knowledge through 
Jesuit missionaries of Mashonaland with its kingdom 
of Monomotapa, its gold mines, and its ancient ruins. 
The map of the African interior still looked like a 
picture of a menagerie rather than a piece of geography . 
It is strange to think that eighty years ago this was 
still the extent of our knowledge of the interior of 
Africa apart from the territory occupied by whites 
in the south, and Egypt and the Mediterranean 
regions of the north. Thirty years after, a revolution 
in our knowledge of African geography had been 
brought about ; except for details the vast framework 
of its lakes, its rivers, and its mountain systems was 
fully known. The work in Southern and South- 
central Africa was done almost single-handed and 
with the slenderest resources by Livingstone, while 
to the north of him a whole array of geographical 
genius, equipped in many cases on a lavish scale, was 
carrying on the great work. 

Let us look for a moment at the steps in Living- 
stone's explorations and discoveries. He had laid the 


foundations of his future task by acquiring the rudi- 
ments of a scientific training at Glasgow, by learning 
the accurate use of the necessary instruments for 
taking the latitude and longitude of places, and by 
eight years of assiduous study, as a missionary in- 
Bechuanaland, of the native languages and customs 
and the native mentality. He was naturally very ob- 
servant and careful in his use of language and descrip- 
tions of what he saw. The result was that his books, 
apart from his geographical discoveries and their 
interest as a great traveller's story, were mines of 
accurate information. Professor Passarge, the Leipzig 
geographer and geologist who spent some time in the 
investigation of the geology of the Kalahari, places 
him first in importance of all Kalahari explorers, and 
says in his great work 1 on that region that he had learnt 
from extensive experience to be very careful in differ- 
ing from any observation or statement of fact made by 
Livingstone. Of very few travellers can the same be 
said. All Livingstone's books are full of observations 
on anthropology, natural history, geography, and 
geology, which add greatly to their value and interest 
and give him a place apart among those African ex- 
plorers who were not, like Schweinfurth and others, 
scientific specialists. Even towards the end, when he 
was racked with disease and suffering almost un- 
bearable torture from dysentery as well as downright 
starvation, we find him noting down meticulously in 
his diaries the many curious scientific observations 
which he continued to make. 


1 Das Kalahari, 1904. 



With this endowment and equipment, with a great 
liking for the wilds and the natives, and a passion for 
opening up the continent to civilization, he set forth 
in 1849 on his great adventure. With Oswell and 
Murray he reached Lake Ngami in the heart of the 
Kalahari that year; and in 1851, accompanied by his 
wife and children and Oswell, he reached the Zam- 
besi at Sesheke some forty miles above the Falls 
which, however, he did not see till four years later. 
The dangers of malaria, which he now first began to 
realize, and a sense of the magnitude of the task which 
lay before him, made him now take his family back to 
Cape Town and dispatch them to England. In June 
""1852 he was again on the Zambesi, and proceeded to 
explore the intricate river systems of the Zambesi and 
the Kwando rivers with their ramified connexions. 
The whole region is so flat that in the rainy season one 
can go backwards and forwards from one river to the 
other by innumerable channels, and the direction of 
the flow depends on the locality where the rain hap- 
pens to fall, so that there is the confusing appearance 
of the water flowing in one direction at one time and 
in the opposite direction at another. He then moved 
on, tracing the upper course of the Zambesi to near its 
source, and then, having passed from the Zambesi to 
the Congo basin, he travelled westwards across An- 
gola, crossed the Kasai river and other considerable 
tributaries of the Congo, and arrived at St. Paul de 
Loando in 1854, after incredible exertions and hard- 
ships, and looking on arrival more like a ghost than 
a human being. After recuperating here among the 


hospitable Portuguese, he returned with his small 
band of faithful Makololo to the Zambesi, where in 
the following year he reached the great Falls which he 
called after the name of Que^nJVictoria. Then turn- 
ing north-west, he discovered the Kafue river, and 
following it arrived once more on the Zambesi ; thus 
after the gravest dangers among warring native tribes 
he reached the Portuguese fort at Tete, and proceeded 
down the Zambesi to a point near its mouth. From 
here he went by land to Quelimane on the coast, 
having traversed the whole of southern tropical Africa 
from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, and being 
the first white man known to have done so. It was an 
enormous achievement, great from whatever point of 
view we look at it, but perhaps greatest in its effect on 
the public opinion of the world. Livingstone not only 
awakened Africa, but he did even more to awaken 
Europe and America to the possibilities of discovery 
in this mysterious continent. And from now onward 
we find a new era of African exploration opening, and 
all the most noted travellers hurrying on to attack 
the problems of the interior of Africa. 

Livingstone's original object in this exploration of 
the Zambesi was to open up new communications to 
the interior of Africa. He had, to his surprise, learnt 
that here was not a desert as had been supposed, but 
a huge fertile portion of the earth with a high rainfall, 
great rivers, and high, healthy plateaux, which would 
present magnificent opportunities for commerce and 
development generally. The communications from 
the Cape were, however, too long and too difficult 


through the arid regions which had to be crossed in 
the south, and it was desirable to discover and develop 
the new lines of approach. The Zambesi struck him 
as the obvious new line of communication from the 
east coast, and seemed to be the solution of the com- 
mercial problem with which he had set out. 

But this trek across Africa had opened his eyes to 
a fresh problem, one which especially struck deep 
chords in his humanitarian soul. On the Zambesi, 
and more so as he travelled farther north through 
Angola, he came across the ravages of the slave trade. 
His missionary instinct fastened at once on to this 
terrible situation which confronted him, and from 
now on it was difficult to say whether his passion for 
geographical discovery and commerce or his intense 
desire for the suppression of the slave trade was his 
strongest impelling motive. Henceforth he became 
the most active and powerful opponent of the African 
slave trade ; and his continuous and unremitting pro- 
paganda against it was the main factor in its ultimate 
undoing. When in the near future the great monu- 
ment arises near the Falls, it will commemorate not 
only the supreme African explorer, but also the 
heroic liberator of Africa from its oldest scourge, the 
curse which has probably caused more bloodshed and 
suffering on that continent than any other in all its 
history. Livingstone did not live to see the fruit of his 
labours, and the last years of his life were spent, in the 
region of the Lualaba river and in Tanganyika, amid 
the horrors of this curse and its fierce expiring con- 
vulsions. But if the question had been put to him 


whether he would rather be the great African explorer 
or its liberator from the slave trade, he would un- 
hesitatingly have chosen the latter. Fate has willed 
that he should be both : and it would be difficult to 
conceive higher double honours for any man. To 
Livingstone there did not come the happy conscious- 
ness of success, but too often the sense of failure, of 
labouring against impossible odds. What was worse, 
he soon realized to his horror that he was unwittingly 
a potent means of facilitating the slave trade. For he 
discovered routes which the slave-traders had not 
ventured to open up themselves, but which they 
were only too eager to follow up in his wake. His 
name and character proved not only a passport for 
himself, but also for the enemies of his work, who 
followed after him; and it was a tragedy that the 
slave trade extended its terrible ravages on a large 
scale, both on the Zambesi and in the area of the 
Lakes, as a direct result of his discoveries. But in 
spite of appearances the end was near, and within a 
little more than a decade of Livingstone's death the 
slave trade had been practically exterminated by the 
Powers on the African continent. It is sad to think 
that its last refuge is with the only independent 
native states in Africa, and one can only hope 
that the League of Nations, of which those States 
are members, will not tolerate this situation much 

To return now to our narrative of discovery. The 
wonderful achievement of Livingstone had opened 
the floodgates of African adventure. Burton and 


Speke, who had already explored Somaliland in 1854, 
were in 1856 sent by the Royal Geographical Society 
of London to discover and explore the great lakes, of 
which Krapf and Rebmann had brought rumours 
from Mombasa. The journey proved epoch-making ; 
they reached Lake Tanganyika and explored its 
northern half, and Speke then pushed on to the 
southern shore of Victoria Nyanza. Hurrying back 
to England while Burton was still struck down with 
illness, Speke induced the Royal Geographical 
Society to send him once more to the lake which 
he had discovered. With Grant he reached the 
southern gulf of Victoria Nyanza, which bears his 
name. Thence they proceeded northwards, struck 
the Nile, where they were met and relieved by Sir 
Samuel Baker, and returned by the Nile to Egypt. 
It was a marvellous journey, but in the course of it 
they had curiously missed the Albert Nyanza. Sir 
Samuel Baker and his wife were at that time busy 
exploring the Upper Nile, after having explored 
Abyssinia and the Abyssinian tributaries of the Nile. 
They (the Bakers) then proceeded south, and reached 
the Nile in the Nyoro country, where they were 
detained and suffered the most terrible hardships. 
They also discovered Albert Nyanza and saw both 
the entrance and the exit of the Nile into and out 
of this lake. They then returned north to Gondokoro 
and followed the route of the Nile back to Egypt in 
1865, after having completed one of the most arduous 
pieces of African exploration. 

Meanwhile in 1859 Livingstone, now appointed 


British Consul with government equipment and ac- 
companied by another Scotsman, Dr., afterwards Sir, 
John Kirk, had returned to the Zambesi, and was 
experimenting on its suitability for steam navigation 
with a view to opening up easier communications 
with the interior. The main, and indeed insuperable, 
obstacle proved to be the Kibebrassa rapids which he 
had encountered on his previous journey. He re- 
peatedly sailed up and explored the Shire river, which 
is the biggest northern affluent of the Zambesi, and 
here, too, encountered rapids, which he called after 
Sir R. Murchison. To the east of the Shire he dis- 
covered Lake Shirwa in most beautiful country among 
the high Milanje mountains ; and in a subsequent trek 
reached and discovered Lake Nyassa itself in Septem- 
ber 1860. This lake and the surrounding country 
made such an impression on Livingstone that he 
thought the route of the lake would become the key to 
South-central Africa. His views on the Zambesi route 
were, however, undergoing a change. The rapids of 
the Shire, the troubles of the slave trade, and the un- 
favourable attitude of the Portuguese induced him to 
look for an alternative route to the lake. After a rapid 
visit up the Zambesi to the Falls and Sesheke to re- 
patriate his faithful Makololo following, he returned to 
the mouth of the Zambesi, and there found the Uni- 
versities' Mission which had come to Nyassa on his 
appeal. Before locating it on the lake, he proceeded 
to explore the route of the Rovuma river, which lies 
just to the north of the Portuguese territory, and 
which he imagined rose from the high country north 


of the lake, and outside of Portuguese territory. 
Should this Rovuma route prove practicable for 
navigation, his intention was to locate the mission 
accordingly, to cut out the Portuguese and to adopt 
the Rovuma instead of the Zambesi as the route to 
the interior. His exploration of the Rovuma con- 
vinced him that this was not possible; the river was 
not navigable for any considerable distance, and it 
rose in the high country to the south-east of the lake. 
He then proceeded to settle the mission on the Shire ; 
but it subsequently failed and had to be abandoned 
because of the ravages and chaos created by the slave 
trade. In the meantime Livingstone and Kirk had 
gone forward to explore Lake Nyassa more fully; 
they covered the whole length of the lake (September- 
November, 1861), found the slave trade worse at its 
northern end, and returned to the Zambesi, where his 
wife was awaiting him. His joy was shortlived; first 
came the news of the death of Bishop Mackenzie and 
the failure of the Nyassa mission, and a little later 
Mrs. Livingstone sickened of malaria and died 
(27th April 1862). This heroic daughter of the Moffat 
family was fittingly buried under an enormous baobab 
tree at Shupanga on the Zambesi. The family has 
continued to play a great part in South Africa, and one 
member is now Prime Minister of Rhodesia. On 
a renewed visit up the Shire Livingstone found the 
country desolated by the slave trade. He became 
convinced that there was nothing further to be done 
there, and he felt relieved when shortly afterwards 
his expedition was, probably at the instance of 


Portugal, recalled by the British Government. Before 
leaving he made one more exploring tour, this time 
towards the west of Lake Nyassa, with the intention 
of reaching a big lake to the far north-west of which 
he had heard. This lake (Bangweolo) he did not 
reach on this occasion, but he discovered it five years 
later, and there, ultimately, the end came of all his 
Herculean labours. 

In 1866 Livingstone, now out of the government 
as well as the mission service, and therefore entirely 
on his own very slender resources, resumed the pro- 
ject of reaching this mysterious Lake Bangweolo. 
He travelled south-westwards from the Rovuma 
river, then turned north-west from the southern end 
of Lake Nyassa, and proceeded to the southern end of 
Lake Tanganyika, from where he went first west and 
then south to discover the mighty Luapula river and 
Lakes Moero and Bangweolo in 1868. From there 
he returned to Tanganyika, and in the depth of his 
poverty was reduced to travelling in the train of some 
friendly slave dealers. He travelled westward to the 
Manyema country and reached Nyangwe on the 
Lualaba, which was probably the centre and depot 
of the slave trade, and where he saw the most 
heartrending sights of its ravages. He was at this 
time preoccupied with the problem of the ultimate 
sources of the Nile, and was trying to find out 
whether the Lualaba was the beginning of the 
Nile or of the Congo. Its northerly course, which 
he was told continued for a very long distance, 
pointed to its connexion with the Nile; but there 



was also the rumour that it finally turned west, 
and this again pointed to a Congo connexion. To 
solve this problem he might have to go farther north 
to the Nile or to the west coast. Before proceeding 
with his investigations, he was compelled by poverty 
to return to Tanganyika, and there at Ujiji he was in 
1872 found and relieved by H. M. Stanley, who had 
been sent on a relief expedition by the New York 
Herald. Stanley returned after re-equipping Living- 
stone for his further march, and in August 1872 the 
veteran was once more on the move. Instead of pro- 
ceeding to the north to follow the course of the 
Lualaba river, as one would expect, he turned south 
in order first to test a story in Herodotus to the effect 
that the ultimate source of the Nile is one of two conical 
hills in Central Africa, which Livingstone identified 
with two hills to the west of Lake Bangweolo. From 
this point he then intended, after visiting the ancient 
copper mines at Katanga, to turn north and test this 
story as well as the true relationship of the Lualaba . It 
was a wonderful undertaking for a man of sixty, with 
a frame already worn out by excessive labours and 
suffering from a most exhausting form of chronic 
dysentery. But there burnt in him a light of the 
spirit which nothing could quench. The whole of 
this march for the next eight months was one long 
agony. In November a severe rainy season set in 
which laid the country through which he was march- 
ing under water ; food was scarce, often unobtainable, 
and the whole party was continually suffering from 
starvation. The dysentery became worse with the 


rough tare, and Livingstone was so weak that he had 
often to be carried. In January 1873 he was once 
more in the region of Lake Bangweolo. His condition 
was pitiable and the plight of his party desperate. 
Still he struggled on with indomitable courage. It is 
impossible to read his journals at this time without 
deep emotion. Although often scarcely conscious he 
continued to push on; the men waded through a 
country which resembled a lake ; while he was carried 
in a fainting condition and suffered the intensest 
agony, on the shoulders of his faithful Susi or Chumo. 
The last entry on 2yth April reads : 'Knocked up quite, 
and remain recover sent to buy milch goats.' This 
was at Chitambo s village, Ilala, to the south of Lake 
Bangweolo. There the end came in the early morning 
of ist May 1873. His dead body was found kneeling 
in prayer. His heart was buried there by his devoted 
followers. His name and work will live for ever. Ap- 
parently down and out, he had achieved and left 
a work whose results were secure beyond all failure. 
While his body was being carried to the coast it was 
met by Lt. Lovett Cameron, who had been sent on 
a relief expedition by the Royal Geographical Society 
of London. Cameron rightly decided to push on, 
crossed Tanganyika and the Lualaba, then turned 
south-west through the somewhat advanced country 
of the chief Mwata Yanvo in Portuguese Angola, and 
finally arrived at Benguella in November 1875, a f ter 
one of the historic marches across Africa. In an 
account of African exploration I was surprised to find 
the statement that Lovett Cameron was 'the first 


Englishman to cross Africa'. This appears to be a fact 
in spite of his suspiciously Scotch name. 

To go back for a moment: In the sixties three 
German travellers explored northern Africa Dr. 
Rohlfs the western Sahara and the regions south of it 
to the Gulf of Guinea; Dr. Nachtigal the eastern 
Sahara and the regions to the south of it, including 
Lake Chad, Bagirmi, Wadai, and Kordofan; Dr. 
Schweinfurth, the Upper Nile and Nubia, the Bahr 
el Ghazal, and the Monbuttoo country in the Welle 
watershed of the Congo. I have not time to refer in 
detail to their explorations. They rank among the 
greatest of African travellers and were examples of 
a new type of explorer, whose object was science 
rather than merely geographical discovery. They 
have left wonderful accounts of their work. Thus 
the famous botanist Schweinfurth 's book called The 
Heart of Africa is probably one of the most fascinating 
accounts of African travel ever written. His descrip- 
tion in it of the capital and court of King Munza of 
the Monbuttoo cannibals is a rare masterpiece. 

The same year that Cameron completed his journey 
across Africa, Stanley, once more at the instance of 
some enterprising newspapers, entered the lists of 
African discovery and soon solved the problem of 
the Lualaba river, which had troubled Livingstone 
to the last. Moving from the East coast in 1875 
he proceeded to the Lakes, circumnavigated both 
Victoria Nyanza and Tanganyika, then marched on 
to the Lualaba, took to his boats and stuck to the 
river resolutely in spite of the most enormous diffi- 


culties, finally proving it to be the Upper Congo by 
emerging by the Congo on the Atlantic. Great as 
were the results of his expedition, they were surpassed 
by his epoch-making journey twelve years later for 
the relief of Emin Pasha in the Equatorial Sudan after 
the Mahdi revolt, the death of Gordon, and the fall 
of Khartoum. Starting up the Congo, Stanley pro- 
ceeded to the junction of the Aruwimi river, and at 
that point entered the unknown, almost impenetrable 
African rain forest, through which he kept cutting 
his way for the next five months. He encountered 
incredible difficulties, but finally succeeded in reach- 
ing Albert Nyanza, relieved Emin and took him 
and his companions to the East coast, discovering 
en route Mount Ruwenzori, or the Mountains of the 
Moon, Lake Albert Edward, and the Semliki river 
flowing from it into Albert Nyanza, and thus tracing 
the westernmost sources of the Nile. His experiences 
in the forest and his minor discoveries on this great 
expedition were also of intense interest. Indeed 
nothing so striking had been seen in African travel, 
and the fate of his rearguard combined with the 
success of his vanguard to make this closing expedi- 
tion the most spectacular in all African explorations. 
The fates of Livingstone and Stanley are curiously 
linked in the story of African exploration, and it was 
Stanley's lot to complete the work of Livingstone in 
respect both of discovery and the suppression of 
the slave trade. In fame too, they stand out above 
all other African travellers. In actual geographical 
results the work of Stanley probably ranks first of all 


African discoverers. And if on the whole I feel in- 
clined to award the palm to Livingstone, it is because 
he was the first, the pioneer of African discovery, and 
because he achieved his colossal results single-handed, 
with no material equipment, and, as it were, by sheer 
moral force. The expeditions of Stanley were 
equipped on a lavish scale, and resembled and were 
carried on mostly like military expeditions. The two 
men were so different that it is difficult even to com- 
pare them, but I should say that in Livingstone's 
place and with the equipment with which Living- 
stone achieved his marvellous results, Stanley would 
in all probability have done worse. 

The world-wide impression and interest caused by 
the tragic death of Livingstone in the swamps of 
Lake Bangweolo, the return of the Cameron expedi- 
tion, and the subsequent spectacular success of the 
first Congo exploration of Stanley combined to lead 
to a new situation in Africa. King Leopold of the 
Belgians was the first in the field with an inter- 
national African Congress at Brussels, which added 
to the growing excitement. African exploration was 
rapidly leading to a new phase which was of a 
political character. In fact the train was being laid 
for that scramble for Africa, which was to result a few 
years afterwards in the partition of Africa among the 
Powers. It soon became clear that King Leopold was 
not acting merely in the general interests of science 
and philanthropy, but of Belgium. Germany and 
France were not slow to follow suit, and African 
exploration was fast becoming a political game for 


staking out national claims in Africa. There was a 
sudden and almost romantic revival in the suppres- 
sion of the slave trade. Where the British Navy had 
hitherto borne the burden almost single-handed, 
active interest began suddenly to be displayed by 
the European Powers. The suppression of the slave 
trade became a convenient cloak for territorial ambi- 
tions and annexations. Thus evil often takes a hand 
in furthering good. The annexationist ambitions of 
States combined with the high humanitarian efforts 
of Livingstone to lead to a rapid decline of this oldest 
and most nefarious scourge of the continent. The 
partition of Africa took a new turn in 1884; in the 
following year the Berlin Conference prohibited the 
slave trade and the supply of fire-arms to the natives 
of Africa. By the end of the eighties and the begin- 
ning of the nineties the Arabic slave power had col- 
lapsed and the slave chiefs were in flight from the 
continent. At Nyangwe on the Lualaba, where 
Livingstone had been forced to witness the most 
revolting slave outrages, their last stand was made 
and their power was finally broken. Such is the 
irony of history. 

Besides the names I have mentioned, there is a long 
and honourable roll of African exploration. I have 
but touched on the most salient facts and features 
and events, and I now pass on to consider some of the 
humanitarian, political, and economic results of all 
these vast labours, which have led, or rather one hopes 
may eventually lead, to the redemption of Africa. 

The partition of Africa, which had commenced 


with the scramble of 1884, was completed in the 
nineties; and as a result practically the whole of 
Africa, with the exception of Abyssinia, passed under 
white control. Portugal remained with her old 
African colonies, but with their area extended from 
the neighbourhood of the West and the East coasts 
far into the interior. Belgium, through the astuteness 
of King Leopold, had carved out the choicest slice of 
the continent, to which in the nineties was added the 
most valuable area of all, namely the Katanga. France, 
Germany, and Great Britain each staked out large 
and valuable territories and placed them under pro- 
tected chartered companies. The marvellous roman- 
tic era of exploration was followed by a period of 
intensive exploitation. It became clear to the world 
that the key to the future was held largely by the 
tropics, that tropical products were not only essential 
industrial requirements of a highly developed civiliza- 
tion, but also promised to be equally valuable instru- 
ments of world power. Cotton, sisal, rubber, vege- 
table oils and fats, and the like, were the foundations 
not only of industrial, but also of world power. 
Millions of pounds were rapidly poured into the new 
territories and development was forced in every 
direction. Colonial expansion became a cardinal 
item in the programme of some at least of the Powers. 
It found forcible expression in the clamour for a 
place in the sun, which helped to produce the men- 
tality that led to the Great War. Africa, which to 
Livingstone had been a high spiritual quest, and to 
other discoverers an adventure of unsurpassed 


romance, had finally become one of the apples of 
discord between the Powers. The Morocco policy of 
France led to compensations to Germany in the 
Congo basin. Secret treaties which meant a reparti- 
tion of large parts of Africa were projected. And then 
the Great War came, the existing arrangements were 
thrown into the melting-pot, and Africa once more 
entered upon a new phase in her history of surprises. 

The tramp of big armies was once more heard on 
this continent. Where Livingstone had marched with 
his tens, where Stanley had marched with his hun- 
dreds, the military commanders marched with their 
tens of thousands. My advance in the German East 
campaign often followed for long distances the routes 
of the great travellers whose exploits I have recounted. 
As a boy I had read their books with burning interest 
and intense longing to see those wonderful countries. 
And when at last my opportunity came, it was under 
circumstances such as no one could ever have fore- 
seen in the wildest of dreams. The result of the War, 
so far as Africa was concerned, was a repartition under 
the Mandate system, which I had suggested as both 
a check and an advance on the old policy of colonial 
annexation. Germany lost her array of African 
colonies and they went under mandates to France, to 
some members of the British Empire, and in a lesser 
degree to Belgium. 

But to Africa the War meant something far more 
serious than a fresh partition. Instead of the old pre- 
war collaboration of Europe, which existed even in 
spite of rivalries, Africa saw the European front, the 

3404.4 p 


front of European culture, broken, the European 
Powers at war with each other, and the natives of 
Africa enlisted in a great war between the whites. 
The black manhood of Africa was involved in the war, 
either as combatants or as porters and carriers. They 
shared in and endured all the hardships of the 
African campaigns, and the rude awakening has 
opened an entirely new chapter in the history of 
Africa. Africa has at last been roused from her his- 
toric slumbers. The peoples of Africa are infected 
with the vague unrest which has universally followed 
the Great War. For better or worse the old Africa is 
gone and the white races must face the new situation 
which they have themselves created in this continent. 
Africa is going to be one of the major problems of the 
twentieth century, and the repercussions of that 
problem on the rest of the world may be very far- 
reaching yet. How far the African natives will be 
able to go in the march on which they have started, 
what equilibrium will be reached eventually between 
their traditional system and the more complex 
features of European civilization, no one can foretell. 
Nor am I going to discuss these questions here to- 
night. Some aspects of the great African problem I 
am discussing in my lectures at Oxford. Here I only 
mention the fact that we are confronted with a new 
situation all over Africa, partly as a result of the 
experiences through which the natives passed in the 
Great War, and partly as the result of the rapidity 
with which almost revolutionary changes have super- 
vened on the old order in Africa. 


The question of transport and communications 
for the interior greatly preoccupied Livingstone as 
we have seen. His favourite idea of developing the 
Zambesi for transport to the interior has been aban- 
doned, and, indeed, was abandoned by himself. But 
other great rivers the Congo, and the Niger, in 
addition to the Nile are to-day among the principal 
means of communication on the continent. Railway 
communications have been opened up on a large 
scale. With the exception of two short breaks, one 
between Victoria and Albert Nyanza, and the other 
beyond Albert Nyanza to Rejaf, it is to-day possible 
to pass uninterruptedly by rail and river steamer 
from Capetown to Alexandria. From the East coast, 
railway lines pierce the interior, not only in the 
Union of South Africa, but in Rhodesia, in Tangan- 
yika, in Kenya, and from the Red Sea in Egypt and 
Abyssinia. From the West coast, railway lines cut 
into the interior in South-west Africa, in Angola, in 
Nigeria, in Sierra Leone, in Senegal, and other parts 
of North-west Africa. Next year the Lobito Bay 
railway will reach the Katanga copper-mines, while 
another from Bukama to Luebo (or Francqui) 
already connects these important mines with the 
navigable Kasai in the Congo basin, thus giving 
continuous railway communication for 3,300 miles 
from Cape Town to Francqui. Most ambitious of all, 
a railway has been projected to connect within the 
next decade the French territories on the Mediter- 
ranean across the Sahara with Timbuktu on the 
Niger. Motor transport is already beginning to re- 


place camel transport along this route. Motor trans- 
port moves freely across the sandy Kalahari, along 
routes which were impossible for the ox-wagon in 
Livingstone's time. A so-called all-weather motor- 
road exists between South Africa and the British 
colonies under the Equator. To-day one can move 
easily and freely across Africa in a comparatively 
short time, whereas a generation ago the venture- 
some traveller organized elaborate safaris, took years 
and incurred grave difficulties and dangers in crossing 
the continent, and became famous when successful. 
Movement in almost all directions across the con- 
tinent is becoming usual, and is breaking down very 
rapidly what remains of the old tribal divisions and 
partitions on the continent. The effect of all this on 
African development and on native mentality can be 

Another potent factor for change and progress is 
mining in Southern Africa. The southern portion of 
the continent is exceptionally rich in minerals and has 
been a mining area from time immemorial, so much 
so that prospecting in Southern Africa often means 
looking for ancient disused mines. Through mining 
it is therefore susceptible of very rapid development. 
There is no doubt that mining is the most effective 
means of rapid development in a new country. A 
large mining and trading population is attracted, and 
local markets are developed which again call for a 
farming population. In the following lecture I shall 
stress the importance of diamond and gold mining 
in the development of the old Cape Colony and the 


Transvaal. But for the discovery of rich mines the 
history of South Africa would have been very dif- 
ferent from what it has been during the last half- 
century. Now in the heart of Southern Africa 
immense copper-fields have been discovered and 
are being opened up in the Katanga and Northern 
Rhodesia. In the countries where the lonely Living- 
stone wandered, not far from the lake where he died, a 
vast network of mines is arising, the effect of which on 
the future of African development must be immense. 
Engineers calculate that in Northern Rhodesia alone 
ten million tons of ore will be treated annually within 
the next ten years, with a probable annual yield of 
250,000 tons of copper, which eventually may be 
doubled. The Katanga copper mines just across the 
border already produce over 100,000 tons of copper 
per annum, and big extensions are contemplated. 
This will mean a large white mining population in 
the heart of Africa, and this again will bring about 
agricultural settlement on a large scale on the fertile 
highlands of Eastern Africa. A great labour force 
will have to be recruited from the Congo, Northern 
Rhodesia, Angola, and Nyassaland to do the rough 
mining work. What the Witwatersrand has meant 
farther south, that this copper-field may come to 
mean for the development of South-central Africa. 
It is therefore not difficult to appreciate that great 
changes are coming and that the old order in 
Southern Africa is definitely going. The new situa- 
tion will present difficult social and political pro- 
blems of the contact between European civilization 


and native culture, which will tax the statesmanship 
of this and the coming generations to the full. 
There will be no infallible rule or code to follow. 
We shall have to be guided by experience; we 
shall have to hammer out solutions as we go along. 
Let those who watch our experiments from afar bear 
in mind that in Africa we are facing the most per- 
plexing racial situation which has ever been faced in 
the world. We can no longer follow the path of 
repression which formerly would have commended 
itself wherever a superior culture came in contact 
with a lower, more primitive. We cannot mix the 
two races, for that means debasement of the higher 
race and culture. 

The future in Africa is to those peoples who, like 
the British and the Dutch, have steadfastly en- 
deavoured to be loyal to their racial and cultural 
ideals as a European community. But if the extremes 
of repression and miscegenation are both excluded, 
we are left with a problem in racial contact between 
advanced Europeans and primitive Africans which is 
not only novel, but also most complex, and in which 
no guidance can be derived from the past experience 
of the world. The superior Aryans, when they 
settled in India among a lower, more primitive in- 
digenous population, built up an elaborate caste 
system for their own racial and cultural protection. 
But the Indian caste system would not be possible 
under modern conditions, and in any case it would be 
a system impossible for Europeans with their ideals 
of life. Europeans in Africa who mean to be faithful 


to themselves and their traditions therefore have to 
face a situation, as novel and difficult as any that has 
ever confronted mankind. Africa will indeed apply 
the severest possible test to our European system 
with its ethical Christian ideals. I wish you to ap- 
preciate the magnitude of the task on which we are 
engaged in Africa. A grand experiment in racial and 
cultural contacts is being tried and tested out, which 
is fraught with enormous issues for the future of 
our civilization. If black and white in Africa, while 
faithful to themselves, can manage to evolve a plan 
according to which they can jointly develop the 
resources of this continent, a great service will be 
rendered for the future of the human race. 

I have stressed the mining development in Southern 
Africa ; an even more important agricultural advance 
is being made farther north throughout Central 
Africa. The external trade of British West Africa 
alone amounts to about 60 million per annum, and 
that of British East Africa from Uganda to Northern 
Rhodesia amounts to something under 30 million. 
These figures show what an advance has already been 
made in the short number of years since these ter- 
ritories settled down under white rule. In countries 
where practically no foreign trade existed a genera- 
tion ago, where chiefs and people alike begged for 
hongo from passing travellers and explorers, where 
beads and the like represented the medium of ex- 
change, we have to-day settled communities with 
great productive power, and with organized govern- 
ments which they maintain. The figures I have just 


mentioned refer only to the British possessions, and 
the total for Africa, apart from South Africa and the 
Mediterranean countries, is very much larger. Yet in 
Livingstone's day they were mostly terra incognita, 
with a trade which was practically negligible apart 
from slavery. 

People in this country have little conception of the 
great development which has already taken place in 
British Africa in little more than one generation, or 
of the greater developments that are ahead. It is 
probable that in another generation British Africa 
may, with wise handling and proper stimulus, be- 
come as important a factor for British trade as India 
itself. There will be immense tropical production, 
and there will be a corresponding market for manu- 
factures. Both from a humanitarian and a commer- 
cial point of view Africa deserves the close attention 
and steady encouragement of the Governments con- 

I have mentioned the set-back to the Universities' 
Mission at Nyassa in the sixties. The failure was 
only apparent and was shortlived. The mission, in 
which Livingstone was so deeply interested, was 
almost immediately restarted from Zanzibar as its 
base, and it has within the last half century achieved 
an outstanding record of success. Its example has 
been followed by many other missionary bodies in 
all parts of Africa. It is difficult to conceive what 
Africa would have been without the civilizing effects 
of the Christian missions. Mistakes have been made. 
But the magnitude of the real service is out of all 


comparison to those incidental mistakes. Missionary 
enterprise, with its universal Christian message, and 
its vast educative and civilizing effort, is and remains 
the greatest and most powerful influence for good 
in Africa. 

The missionary, the trader, the traveller, the rail- 
road builder, the labour recruiter, and the soldier 
have wrought vast changes in Africa since Living- 
stone's day. He was the first, the greatest, and the 
most beneficent of the new forces for change and pro- 
gress. Africa is to-day on the move in all directions 
and its ancient quietude is profoundly disturbed. 
Yet one hopes that whatever developments may be in 
store for it, it will preserve some of the old character- 
istics which have constituted its perennial charm in 
the past. As long as Africans remain Africans, the 
happy song and the dance will continue to brighten 
the villages of Africa; that wonderful wild music, 
with instruments wilder still, will continue to make its 
peculiar appeal. The children of nature will continue 
to enjoy the simple joys of village life, and in their 
sunshine the gloom and the stern temper of colder 
Europe will never prevail. Sensuous paganism will 
always temper the ethical imperative, and religion 
even at its best will still be of the earth, earthy. And 
beyond the human inhabitants there will remain, one 
hopes for centuries to come, the wild animals which 
make this continent so attractive to the lover of 
nature. I look forward to the time when the rage for 
destruction will have disappeared, when the senseless 
slaughter of the wild fauna will be as criminal and 



contrary to public opinion as cruelty to humans, and 
when those who love the wilds and their shy denizens 
and intimate ways will come from all parts of the 
earth to find peace and refreshment in Africa. In 
the stress and strain of civilization, the nervous ten- 
sion of high culture and the friction of our industrial 
system, Africa will be a place of refuge, a temple set 
apart where the human spirit can once more practise 
nature worship, and enjoy peace and quietude. 

Africa in spite of all change will still remain Africa, 
and its most distinctive features among the continents 
will continue to be its untamed wildness, its aloofness 
and solitude, and its mysterious, eerie, brooding spirit. 




I AM deeply sensible of the honour which Oxford 
University and the Rhodes Trustees have done 
me by inviting me to deliver the Rhodes Memorial 
Lectures. A previous invitation I had felt bound to 
decline, on the plea of pressing public duty. But 
when, after my recent defeat in the South African 
elections, the invitation was kindly renewed, I was 
left with no plausible excuse for not accepting the 
embarrassing honour. And so here I am to-day, a 
working politician, strange to your academic world, 
facing an audience accustomed to a very different 
bill of fare from that which I am able to place before 
you. My distinguished predecessors in this lecture- 
ship make my position even more unenviable. Sir 
Robert Borden was an Elder Statesman of the Em- 
pire who could discuss with expert skill its recent 
transformations in which he had played a leading 
part. His leisure and retirement from politics made 
him almost an Olympian in the realm of constitution- 
making on which he addressed you. He was followed 
by two famous scholars who could speak to you from 
an abundance of leisured study and meditation. 
How different is my position! I come to you with 
the marks of the battle and the dust of the fray still 
fresh upon me, with little opportunity for prepara- 
tion, and with no experience at all in handling 
academic audiences. 1 pray for your kind indul- 


gence. Remember the case of Rhodes, who, though 
not a lecturer himself, was in this Foundation the 
maker of lecturers. He was not a scholar, he had 
no leisure or inclination for academic pursuits; 
his haunts were the highways of the world. And 
yet you have accepted him as one of the Founders. 
He was a politician in active practice, a financier 
up to all the tricks of the trade, a man of the 
world, far away from the world of scholarship. 
But he had a priceless faculty of imagination, of 
vision, of seeing the greater plan into which the 
details of his working life and his daily task fitted. 
And so from mere politics and finance he evolved the 
larger policies, he drew the inspiration of the larger 
visions, which will remain when his finance and his 
politics have been long forgotten. My qualification 
as a Rhodes lecturer is that I am, like him, an active 
politician, that like him I am an African whose life- 
work has lain in the same field of African policies as 
his lay. 

On this ground I claim to have some right to speak 
to you on the larger policies for which Rhodes stood. 
Other lecturers may have to go far afield in search of 
suitable subjects for their discourse. I am going to 
speak to you on the ideas and policies with which 
Rhodes 's name is for ever inseparably associated. 
Those ideas and policies have not grown old or stale 
with time; on the contrary, they are to-day more 
alive than ever before. It is ever the hall-mark of 
genius to initiate points of view which are not a flash 
in the pan, but burn with a steady brilliance, to launch 


ideas whose fruitfulness increases with time and 
which thus carry their own immortality. I was a 
young man fighting in the Boer War when Rhodes 
passed away twenty-seven years ago. My whole 
working life since then has been continuously occu- 
pied with the same sort of questions which governed 
his thought the Union of South Africa, the progress 
of European civilization on the African continent, the 
relations between white and black in that civilization, 
the promotion of world peace through better under- 
standing between the leading nations of the world. 
Of these questions one the Union of South Africa 
has been happily solved. The others are in process of 
solution, or still await solution, and are to-day more 
important than they were in Rhodes 's time. I shall 
in these lectures deal with these questions of African 
settlement, Native Policy in Africa, and World Peace ; 
and I begin to-day with African settlement. 

How keen Rhodes was on the settlement of a Euro- 
pean population in the undeveloped spaces to the 
north of Cape Colony and the Transvaal is shown by 
the tremendous efforts he made to acquire and settle 
Rhodesia. To this end he laboured and fought for 
years, he plotted and schemed, he spent his money 
like water, and he risked his reputation and his life. 
The original Charter for Rhodesia covered Nyassa- 
land also, for the administration of which he willingly 
paid. And in the end he won through. The settle- 
ment of a growing prosperous white people within 
the tropics, which is now in its second generation, is 
proof that his instinct was right, and that his policy 


of * homes, more homes' on the veld was no mere 
chimera. Southern and Northern Rhodesia, march- 
ing far north into the tropics, with a thriving popula- 
tion in ever-increasing numbers, has completely 
justified his dream of a European State in tropical 
Africa. But his vision and his work were not limited 
to the Rhodesias. To him they were but the free 
passage to the farther north, the open door for a 
civilization from the south which would ultimately 
link up with the lands of the Mediterranean. The 
formula of 'Cape to Cairo' summed up in a phrase 
this northern policy. 

Let me pause for a moment to refer to a criticism 
sometimes made of this settlement policy of Rhodes. 
It has been said that settlement was not really his ob- 
ject. He occupied Rhodesia in order to possess and 
work its mines and minerals. The declared settle- 
ment policy was only a blind to cover his real thirst 
for minerals. This charge is but an echo of another 
charge often levelled at Rhodes in his lifetime. But 
it will not stand examination. Money-making never 
was an end in itself to Rhodes, but always a means 
to the attainment of his ends. Money literally was 
the sinews of war to him. Whatever money he made 
he spent most lavishly to prosecute the larger ob- 
jectives he had in view. His trust deed for de Beers, 
which made it possible to use the profits from the 
Kimberley mines to finance the opening up of 
Rhodesia, is conclusive proof of that fact. Rhodes 
aimed both at the settlement of Rhodesia and at the 
exploitation of its mineral resources. The one was 


necessary to the other. Without mines to attract 
whites, there would not be the settlers to settle nor 
the means to settle them with. That was a lesson 
which Rhodes had learnt from the history of South 
Africa and other countries. The gold rushes to 
California in the mid-nineteenth century had given 
western America its great start and launched it on 
its career of agricultural expansion. Similarly, the 
diamond rush to Kimberley in the seventies and the 
gold rush to Johannesburg in the eighties had revolu- 
tionized economic conditions in South Africa. Before 
the first of these rushes the white population of 
South Africa was 300,000. After the second of these 
rushes at the end of the Boer War the white popula- 
tion had risen to 1,200,000. In one generation it had 
quadrupled as a result of the discoveries of diamonds 
and gold. Mining not only attracted people by itself; 
it stimulated every other industry, and farming most 
of all. It created a local market for the agricultural 
and pastoral industries and thereby led to the rapid 
settlement and effective exploitation of the land. In 
Rhodesia, too, the mines have been the backbone of 
the development and settlement of the country. One 
is interested to see almost every town in that young 
country settled on a mine. Rhodes was well aware 
from his own experience that mining is the most 
potent agency for the settlement of a country. He 
therefore welcomed mining both for itself and for 
what it led to in the way of general development. 

It is not unreasonable to expect that mining will 
continue to play a great part in the future settlement 



and development of Africa. Southern Africa is 
beyond doubt one of the most highly mineralized 
areas of the world. Its gold mines have apparently 
been worked from antiquity, and must in ancient 
times have supported a very large population and a 
much higher civilization than it has known up to our 
own times. It has not only unique gold and diamond 
deposits. It has enormous coal and iron deposits; 
it has probably the largest copper deposits in the 
world. And it contains in great abundance those base 
minerals which are used for hardening iron and steel 
and are therefore of the greatest industrial impor- 
tance. The discovery and exploitation of these unique 
resources will continue to attract and support a large 
European as well as give employment to a far 
larger native population. And the African countries 
which have the most promising prospects from the 
mineral point of view will outstrip the others in 
population, in development, and in economic im- 
portance. The discovery of gold raised the Trans- 
vaal in one generation from the most backward 
to the foremost state in South Africa. And the 
same will happen again farther north. In the race 
between the East African States the lead will pro- 
bably soon be taken by Northern Rhodesia. This 
Cinderella among African colonies is the lucky 
possessor of enormous copper deposits, besides other 
mineral resources which are only now beginning to 
be scratched. It is not improbable that within the 
next ten years Northern Rhodesia will have a mining 
field second only to that of the Witwatersrand. What 


that must mean for the development of Eastern Africa 
it is not easy to imagine. In the high lands of the 
Kafue and other areas there are also some of the 
richest and most valuable lands for agricultural settle- 
ment in all Africa. We should not be surprised to see 
in Northern Rhodesia another Transvaal on a smaller 
scale, with all that this will mean for the progress and 
civilization of this continent. A large European com- 
munity settled on the healthy high lands in the heart of 
Africa, and forming not only a new centre but a fresh 
support and stimulus for Western civilization through- 
out vast surrounding areas, may well revolutionize 
the whole outlook for the future. It may give an 
opening for strengthening our civilization and re- 
claiming Africa from barbarism such as has never 
been dreamt of before. It is the very land where 
Livingstone toiled his hardest and perished gloriously 
in the end. What an act of historic justice it would be 
if this land becomes the centre of the great African 
Dominion which will realize his dream of civilization 
and commerce in Africa and revolutionize the posi- 
tion and prospects of civilization on this dark con- 
tinent ! 

Rhodes's work for European settlement in Rho- 
desia did not stand alone. Circumstances seemed 
to favour his settlement policy farther north; the 
idea of European settlement throughout Eastern 
Africa seemed to find a ready response in high 
official quarters. The British Government invited 
and encouraged settlers to occupy British East 
Africa, and built the Uganda railway in order to 


facilitate this occupation. The German Government 
further south copied this example, and proceeded 
to settle a white population in the Usambaras and 
on the slopes of Kilimanjaro and Meru Mountains 
and elsewhere. To all appearance, the settlement 
of a white population on the high lands of Eastern 
Africa seemed not only to be the Rhodes policy, 
but also the British and the German policy. More 
recently still, after the conclusion of the Great 
War, the British Government proceeded to establish 
soldier settlements on most favourable terms in 
Kenya, and apparently looked upon such settlements 
as a satisfactory way of dealing with one of the post- 
war problems on its hands. The ousting of German 
rule from Tanganyika, the consolidation of British 
rule from the borders of Abyssinia to the south of the 
continent seemed to present the opportunity for a 
strong forward movement in this policy of settling 
the high lands of Eastern Africa, which stretch in an 
unbroken belt, hundreds of miles broad, from Kenya 
to South Africa. In spite of this, however, there is at 
present a slackening of this policy. There is doubt 
and hesitation. There is a slowing down at the very 
time when there should be a determined move for- 
ward. What is the explanation of this recent develop- 
ment? There are several answers, and it is necessary 
for us to review the position once more and so see 
whether the policy of African settlement rests on a 
secure and defensible foundation. 

The root cause of this change of attitude is 
entirely creditable. It is the humanitarian feeling 


which has been on the increase since the Great War, 
which sides with the under-dog, which produces the 
policy of Africa for the Africans that is, for the 
natives ; which holds that Africa is a black continent, 
the home of the negro and negroid peoples, and that 
it should remain such; that the whites have Europe 
and America as their present and future homes, and 
that, just as the whites do not dream of colonizing 
yellow Asia, so they are not justified in intruding into 
this natural and predestined home of the blacks and 
of an indigenous native culture. This view was 
forcibly expressed by Lord Olivier in 1919 when he 
declared that 'settlements in Africa produce (as they 
have done in all ages and all countries), first, slavery, 
predial or domestic; second, compulsory or inden- 
tured labour; third, the expropriation of natives from 
the land in order to compel them to work for wages on 
the estates; fourth, pressure on the natives to labour 
for wages through direct or indirect taxation each of 
which has in turn given rise to reactions of the 
humanitarian conscience.' 1 

Now, the answer to this form of argument is that it 
condemns a policy which may be wise and sound in 
itself, by pointing to the excesses and abuses to which 
it leads. I do not deny that there have been these 
abuses and that they have to be guarded against. I am 
wholeheartedly opposed to each and all of the ten- 
dencies which Lord Olivier sets out, and, I believe, so 
are, probably, all fair-minded white settlers in Africa 
to-day. They are not the policy, but the blots and 

1 Contemp. Review, Jan. 1919. 


excrescences on the policy. White settlement can 
proceed in Africa without, and is all the better for 
being without, the dubious aids of slavery or forced 
or indentured labour, or labour taxes, or other forms 
of labour compulsion. Our experience in South 
Africa has definitely established that these expedients 
to help out the white settler are not only unnecessary 
but positively harmful. Slavery has definitely passed 
away so far as the whites are concerned ; compulsory 
or indentured labour was formerly in existence but 
is now universally condemned, except for public 
works in certain special cases. Depriving natives of 
their land or of the land which is reasonably required 
for their present or future needs should also be out of 
the question, and in this respect white settlement 
should not, and, as I shall just now show, need not, 
conflict in any shape or form with the rights or needs 
of the natives. With regard to taxes, a small tax in 
the form of a hut or capitation tax is universally im- 
posed on the natives as their contribution to the 
maintenance of good government. As a general tax it 
is fair and approved of by all native administrators, 
nor is it resented by the natives whose customs pre- 
scribe a contribution to the requirements of their 
chiefs. But a special labour tax is not warranted and 
is unnecessary. It has been repeatedly tried in South 
Africa, notably by Mr. Rhodes in his celebrated 
Glen Grey Act, and has as often had to be abandoned. 
It takes the raw native some time to acquire the habit 
of going out to work for the white employer. But as 
his economic needs develop, and they develop fairly 


rapidly, and as he learns the value of ready money, it 
soon becomes habitual for him to spend part of his 
time in white employment. South African experience 
is decisive on this point. Even for those natives, for 
instance, in the Transkeian Territories, who have 
ample land for their own needs, it soon becomes 
customary to go out to work for part of each year in 
the mines or industries or the neighbouring agricul- 
tural districts. No inducement is necessary beyond 
their ordinary growing economic needs. Employ- 
ment in European industries or with European 
settlers soon becomes the regular routine, and the 
natives are quite satisfied and happy to fall into this 
routine of part-time employment. By temperament 
they have not much initiative, and if left to them- 
selves and their own tribal routine they do not 
respond very well to the stimulus for progress. They 
are naturally happy-go-lucky, and are not oppressed 
with the stirrings of that divine discontent which have 
made the European the most unhappy but the most 
progressive of all humans. They are easily satisfied 
and a very little goes a long way with them. As 
workers they are slow, unintelligent, and essentially 
imitative. They have little foresight and display little 
forethought. But these very characteristics make 
them take readily to a routine which is settled for 
them by a white employer. And if they are well 
treated they respond with that good temper and that 
slow honest toil which makes them so easy to work 
with and so acceptable to the white employer. For 
thousands of years they have been accustomed to 


domination by their chiefs, and therefore they 
readily accept the firm handling, the lead, and the 
mastery of the white employer. It fits in with their 
character and their age-long training. 

I may here add the valuable opinion of the Hilton 
Young Commission : 

'It is advantageous to the native to learn habits of regular 
work and to gain practical experience of what can be achieved 
by advanced methods of agriculture. In certain conditions 
also natives may be able to get a larger economic return from 
employment under Europeans than by working on their own 
account. Moreover, in the early days of British administra- 
tion in such countries as the Eastern and Central African 
dependencies, an influx of European settlers with capital 
may be of great assistance to the Government in starting a 
process of economic development for the natives. Without 
some external impetus at the beginning, there may be no 
escape from a vicious circle. For while, on the one hand, 
measures necessary to improve the standard of native agri- 
culture, such as the provision of agricultural inspectors, 
issues of seed, &c., cannot be undertaken by the Govern- 
ment without revenue, on the other hand the necessary 
revenue may not be available until some improvement in 
agricultural production is brought about. The activities of 
the settlers who have sufficient capital to carry them through 
the early unproductive years may provide the necessary 
impetus at the start.' 1 

From all this it follows that the easiest, most 
natural and obvious way to civilize the African native 
is to give him decent white employment. White em- 
ployment is his best school ; the gospel of labour is 
the most salutary gospel for him. The civilization of 

1 i, p. 64. 


the African continent will be a vain dream apart from 
white employment, without the leading hand of the 
settler and the employer, away from the continuous 
living contact with the actual example and the actual 
practice of European industry and agriculture. The 
civilization of Africa therefore calls for a definite 
policy, the policy of European settlement, the estab- 
lishment of a white community inside Africa w r hich 
will form the steel framework of the whole ambitious 
structure of African civilization. Without a large 
European population as a continuous support and 
guarantee of that civilization and as an ever-present 
practical example and stimulus for the natives, I fear 
that civilization will not go far and will not endure for 
long. From the native point of view, therefore, just 
as much as from the white or European point of view, 
nay, even more from the native point of view, the 
policy of African settlement is imperatively necessary. 
I find in recent years a tendency to give primacy to 
the native point of view, to place native interests first 
in the scheme for African development. This appears 
to be the attitude of the British Government in East 
Africa, at any rate since 1923. This attitude again has 
largely influenced the view of the various commis- 
sions of inquiry which have studied these vexed 
questions since 1923. Beyond that again is the 
slogan 'Africa for the Africans'. The underlying 
assumption of this view is that there is an essential 
incompatibility between white and native interests, 
that the promotion of white settlement must neces- 
sarily or usually run counter to native rights and 



domination by their chiefs, and therefore they 
readily accept the firm handling, the lead, and the 
mastery of the white employer. It fits in with their 
character and their age-long training. 

I may here add the valuable opinion of the Hilton 
Young Commission : 

'It is advantageous to the native to learn habits of regular 
work and to gain practical experience of what can be achieved 
by advanced methods of agriculture. In certain conditions 
also natives may be able to get a larger economic return from 
employment under Europeans than by working on their own 
account. Moreover, in the early days of British administra- 
tion in such countries as the Eastern and Central African 
dependencies, an influx of European settlers with capital 
may be of great assistance to the Government in starting a 
process of economic development for the natives. Without 
some external impetus at the beginning, there may be no 
escape from a vicious circle. For while, on the one hand, 
measures necessary to improve the standard of native agri- 
culture, such as the provision of agricultural inspectors, 
issues of seed, &c., cannot be undertaken by the Govern- 
ment without revenue, on the other hand the necessary 
revenue may not be available until some improvement in 
agricultural production is brought about. The activities of 
the settlers who have sufficient capital to carry them through 
the early unproductive years may provide the necessary 
impetus at the start.' l 

From all this it follows that the easiest, most 
natural and obvious way to civilize the African native 
is to give him decent white employment. White em- 
ployment is his best school; the gospel of labour is 
the most salutary gospel for him. The civilization of 

1 i, p. 64. 


the African continent will be a vain dream apart from 
white employment, without the leading hand of the 
settler and the employer, away from the continuous 
living contact with the actual example and the actual 
practice of European industry and agriculture. The 
civilization of Africa therefore calls for a definite 
policy, the policy of European settlement, the estab- 
lishment of a white community inside Africa which 
will form the steel framework of the whole ambitious 
structure of African civilization. Without a large 
European population as a continuous support and 
guarantee of that civilization and as an ever-present 
practical example and stimulus for the natives, I fear 
that civilization will not go far and will not endure for 
long. From the native point of view, therefore, just 
as much as from the white or European point of view, 
nay, even more from the native point of view, the 
policy of African settlement is imperatively necessary. 
I find in recent years a tendency to give primacy to 
the native point of view, to place native interests first 
in the scheme for African development. This appears 
to be the attitude of the British Government in East 
Africa, at any rate since 1923. This attitude again has 
largely influenced the view of the various commis- 
sions of inquiry which have studied these vexed 
questions since 1923. Beyond that again is the 
slogan 'Africa for the Africans'. The underlying 
assumption of this view is that there is an essential 
incompatibility between white and native interests, 
that the promotion of white settlement must neces- 
sarily or usually run counter to native rights and 



intfests, and that this encroachment can only be 
prevented by calling a halt to the policy of white 
settlement. My point is that, apart from abuses and 
avoidable excrescences, there is no such inherent and 
inevitable clash of interests between the two . If Africa 
is to be civilized at all, if the heavy responsibility for 
African civilization is not to be weakly renounced 
and abandoned, the two will have to go together 
in carrying the great burden. The native needs the 
white man even more than the white man needs 
the native; both are indeed necessary for the due 
performance of the heavy task. As the Ormsby-Gore 
Commission of 1924 said: 'In order to be pro-native 
it is not necessary to be anti-white. To be in favour 
of white settlement in such portions of Africa as are 
climatically suitable for European homes, it is not 
necessary to be anti-native. East Africa can only 
progress economically and socially on the basis of full 
and complete co-operation between all races.' l The 
assumption of conflict and incompatibility is quite 
wrong. White settlement along proper economic 
lines and on proper ethical principles is what black 
Africa most needs to-day for its development and 
civilization. Granting in principle that native in- 
terests should rank first, I still submit that white 
settlement under proper safeguards remains the best 
means to give effect to that priority. For without 
large-scale permanent European settlement on this 
continent the African mass will not be moved, the 
sporadic attempts at civilization will pass, Africa 

1 Cmd. 2387, p. 22. 


may relapse to her historic and prehistoric slumbers, 
and once more only mining holes and ruined forts 
may ultimately remain to bear testimony to future 
ages of what once was. We shall have a repetition 
of Zimbabwe, and not an enduring impression on 
and betterment of the peoples of this continent. 

To my mind we shall make a great mistake if we 
analyse the factors which bear upon African progress 
and civilization and begin to assign separate and con- 
trasted and competitive values to them. African pro- 
gress is one whole organic problem and has to be 
viewed as such. It is not really a case of natives first 
or whites first, but of Africa first. Any policy which 
(without manifest injustice or unfairness to any par- 
ticular section) promotes most effectively African 
development and civilization as a whole will at 
the same time be most in the interest of the natives 
as well as of the whites. That is good political 
philosophy as well as sound common sense. If white 
settlement in suitable and available climatic areas is, 
as I contend, the most effective and expeditious 
means of pushing forward the economic progress of 
this continent, it will prove to be also the best means 
of promoting native interests. In support of this 
argument I may quote once more from the Report of 
the Hilton Young Commission: 'It is quite certain, 
for example that nothing like the present develop- 
ment of the high lands of Kenya could have been 
achieved without the introduction of a vigorous com- 
munity of European settlers. While this develop- 
ment has increased the wealth of the world it may at 


the same time benefit the natives, since, on the best 
European farms, the natives may receive, through 
contact with their white masters, an education more 
practical and more formative than anything that they 
can be taught in the schools. Notwithstanding the 
difficulties to which it gives rise, white settlement 
provides a stimulus and example which may in the 
long run promote and hasten the progress of the 

But white settlement is not the only way to bring 
European influence to bear on native progress. I am 
told that there is the missionary, and there is the 
government civil servant who may supply the neces- 
sary guidance without creating the crop of awkward 
problems which white settlement usually produces. 
Allow me a few words in reply to this argument. 
Much as I admire the heroic spirit and the achieve- 
ment of missionary enterprise, much as I respect the 
contribution which the various African civil services 
are making, I have no hesitation in saying that neither 
separately nor together are they competent to play 
the decisive part which is here assigned to white 
settlement. The Christian missionary has, after a 
century of ceaseless effort, not yet succeeded in mak- 
ing any deep impression on Africa. Compared to the 
enormous progress and still rapid spread of Moham- 
medanism, his success is not very striking. These 
words may sound cold and unsympathetic from 
one who believes that the message of Christianity is 
and remains the greatest inspiration of the human 
race. But we must face facts. Mohammedanism is 


already in solid and uncontested possession of Africa 
from the Mediterranean to the tenth parallel of north 
latitude, and to the south of it is spreading more 
rapidly than Christianity. As a creed Mohammedan- 
ism makes a very strong appeal to the native mind, 
perhaps stronger than that of the highly ethical and 
spiritual Christian religion. For these and other 
reasons I should not think it fair to leave the fate of 
European civilization to the missionary alone. Even 
Livingstone did not think so. And the missionary 
of the old type no longer responds to the needs of 
Africa. For the African even less than for the Euro- 
pean the teaching of the gospel is not enough. The 
scientific and medical aspects of mission work are 
steadily coming to the fore. I do not know whether 
you have read the book of Professor Schweitzer, 
The Edge of the Forest Primeval. It is a most 
informative book, and it points the way to the 
future trend of missionary work. The true ruler of 
Africa to-day, as he has been for thousands of years 
in the past, is the medicine man; and the only man 
to fight him effectively is the scientific medicine man. 
It is a matter for congratulation that our Christian 
missions are more and more developing their medical 
side. Medical mission is the mission for Africa. The 
devils of Africa are witchcraft and disease, with 
which only medical science can cope properly. You 
get a true picture of African witchcraft from Paul 
de Chaillu's book Equatorial Africa, which, although 
written some seventy years ago, still remains one of 
the most illuminating documents on native African 


life. Christian missionaries will in future require a 
thorough anthropological training in addition to a 
general scientific medical equipment. But even so, 
and however well-trained and well-equipped they 
may be, the task of European civilization in Africa 
will need the weight and the numbers and the con- 
stant example of large white communities for its 
progress and success. 

Then there is the civil servant, the native adminis- 
trator in Africa. His contribution to African progress 
has been very great, and I have the deepest respect for 
the human spirit of service, the incorruptible justice, 
the patience and high efficiency which the African 
civil services have brought to the performance of 
their heavy task. And they can point to remarkable 
success. In West Africa, for instance, the success 
of the civil servant in guiding native agriculture 
has been most striking. But recent developments 
in West Africa and Uganda have not lasted long 
enough to justify any sure conclusions. Cocoa, 
palm-kernels, and cotton have indeed led to a 
phenomenal economic development. But the real 
test is still to come, when competition elsewhere, 
under up-to-date methods and with scientific equip- 
ment, may once more put the native producer 
out of court. Already the wasteful character of 
native production is beginning to be realized, and 
misgivings are beginning to be felt about the 
future. While paying our tribute to the native ad- 
ministrator, guiding the native producer in the 
wilds of Africa, we should be wise to suspend final 


judgement for the present. Nor does experience else- 
where justify a childlike faith in the official guidance 
or control of industry. An English farmer or manu- 
facturer would be horrified if he were advised to put 
his faith in Government officials. The enterprise 
and private initiative, the free experimentation and 
taking of risks, which are essential to economic and 
industrial success, are remote from the official routine 
of the civil servant. The training of the civil servant 
is to play for safety, to follow his book and stick to his 
regulations. With him the fear of the inspector and 
the auditor is the beginning of wisdom. He is not a 
safe guide in the uncharted sea of industry: in 
Africa perhaps even less than in Europe. 

I now pass on to mention another objection which 
is widely urged against white settlement in the 
African tropics. It is said that such settlement must 
encroach on the land which is needed for the natives, 
that the inevitable tendency would be to oust the 
natives from their ancestral lands, to restrict them to 
limited reserves, and to cramp their future expansion. 
This objection to white settlement is perhaps the one 
which is most generally entertained and most honestly 
felt, and it is the one in which there is the least sub- 
stance. In the remarks I am now going to make I shall 
confine myself to Eastern Africa. West Africa is ad- 
mittedly a different situation. It is already fairly 
thickly populated; it is climatically very unsuitable 
for white settlement, which in consequence has never 
been tried there. It is at present making fair progress 
without any but official assistance, and in the interior 


the negro population is already largely dominated and 
controlled by a superior emigrant race of Hamitic 
race and Moslem creed. In Eastern Africa I also 
except from my argument the low-lying countries of 
Uganda and Zanzibar, which are well populated and 
have no large areas climatically suitable for white set- 
tlement. We are left then with Kenya, Tanganyika, 
Nyassaland, and Northern Rhodesia, all four of which 
lie on the broad backbone of Eastern Africa and con- 
tain an abundance of elevated lands above 4,000 ft. 
high, in addition to immensely larger areas of fertile 
lowlands and river valleys. These territories comprise 
about a million square miles with a population of 
about twelve million natives. These twelve millions 
are mostly confined to the low-level areas, and even 
there occupy only a comparatively small portion of the 
land. Northern Rhodesia, which is more than double 
the size of the British Isles, with a high rainfall and 
a fertile soil, with much of its territory between 4,000 
and 5,000 ft. above sea-level, and with a pleasant 
climate, has little more than four natives to the 
square mile perhaps the most promising territory 
of Eastern Africa practically unoccupied. (Compare 
this figure with 36-2 in Northern Nigeria or 223 in 
British India.) The point that strikes the traveller 
forcibly in these territories is the extreme sparseness 
of the population and the large vacant areas every- 
where stretching in all directions. The natives con- 
gregate into settlements and villages and tribal areas, 
leaving most of the land vacant. Leaving the natives 
all the land which is occupied by them, or which may 


become reasonably necessary for any future expan- 
sion, there will still be left immense unapportioned 
unoccupied areas. On one point there cannot be the 
least doubt, and that is that even with an extensive 
reservation of the high lands for white settlement 
there will always be more than enough land for all 
native purposes. Lord Lugard, after reviewing the 
statistics of land and population in both East and 
West Africa, concludes with the following observa- 
tion : 

'In all except the few very densely populated districts it 
may be said that there is ample room for the legitimate needs 
of alien (European) enterprise and development. In those 
regions, whether in the East or in the West, where European 
settlement is not possible, the demand for land by non- 
natives is so limited, the area available is so large, and except 
in limited districts, the native population is so small that, 
whether the Government in theory owns the land or not, it is 
not likely in practice that the native cultivator will find any 
difficulty in obtaining all the land he needs.' 1 

This opinion ought to satisfy even those who are 
most solicitous for the interests of the natives. I shall 
make one more quotation which will show that the 
Governors of the East African territories, in con- 
ference assembled in 1926, were agreed that the sparse 
native population of East Africa not only leaves the 
opening for white settlement in the high lands, but 
also calls for such settlement, if the productive power 
of those possessions is to be developed to the utmost : 
'East Africa (they say) has two remarkable features which 
1 Dual Mandate, p. 332. 

3404.4 _ 


differentiate it greatly from British West Africa and from most 
of the Empire's other tropical possessions. In the first place, 
the population is very sparse by comparison with the extent 
of the territory and its potentialities. In the second place, 
large areas are by reason of their altitude suited climatically 
for European colonization. 

'It is generally admitted that European control in some 
form is necessary to the welfare and development of the 
African peoples. In no other way can peace be secured, im- 
proper exploitation prevented, and the country developed to 
anything like its full producing capacity. Where the popula- 
tion is sufficiently numerous, the development can be carried 
on under European administration and the produce marketed 
by European merchants. This is the natural course of affairs 
in West Africa. But in East Africa the population is not 
sufficient to secure development in the same manner ; and if 
the whole country were to be handed over to a policy of 
native production alone under the guidance of European 
administration, it would have to be constituted an economic 
sanctuary so as to prevent the economic needs of the outside 
world from forcing some other form of development upon it. 
For these reasons East Africa has already been committed to 
\\hat is known as the dual policy that is, to a combination of 
non-native and native production. 

'The broad contrast presented by natural conditions in 
different parts of East Africa is illustrated by the difference 
between Kenya and Uganda. In Uganda the population is 
sufficient for native production on a very large scale, and the 
climate is also unsuitable for European colonization. Uganda 
is, therefore, developing broadly on the same lines as West 
Africa. In the high lands of Kenya, on the other hand, the 
native population is totally insufficient and unfitted to develop 
the country. Its present scale of production would, therefore, 
have been impossible unless the railway had been built 
across the high lands and had brought in its train several 
thousand European colonists. The contrast presented by 


Kenya and Uganda in this respect may also be seen on a small 
scale within the territory of Kenya alone. It is also to be 
studied in Tanganyika. 

'The dual policy, however, raises considerable problems 
of its own. On the one hand, there is the obligation which 
rests on every civilized government of raising the capacities 
of its human subjects to their fullest expression ; on the other 
there is the equally imperative duty of developing to the 
utmost the power of its possessions.' 

The prospect of white settlement has been ren- 
dered easier for the future because native land rights 
have been placed on a definite footing in most of 
these territories. The governments of the majority of 
these four territories have not been satisfied with the 
enormous areas of land generally available for native 
occupation, but have wisely taken the precaution to 
reserve definitely for the future all such areas as the 
natives may need for their future expansion, even 
taking a very liberal view of such expansion. It is 
unfortunately the fact that throughout much of the 
African continent the native population is not increas- 
ing, and in some parts, like Angola and the Congo, it 
is definitely declining. The part of Africa in which 
the native population has been increasing most rapidly 
within the last fifty years is the Union of South 
Africa, and that fact is a great tribute to the blessings 
of a settled European government, to the favourable 
economic conditions which render such an expansion 
possible, and to the medical care taken and welfare 
work carried on among the natives. It is certainly 
a very significant fact that in that part of Africa where 
a great white community exists alongside the natives 


they have shown the greatest economic progress, the 
largest increase, and the greatest advance in education 
and civilization. The fact gives additional force to 
my argument that the existence of a white community, 
so far from being contrary to native interests, is in- 
deed a stimulus and guarantee of native progress. 
The mistake we made in South Africa in the past was 
our failure in not reserving sufficient land for the 
future needs of the rapidly increasing natives; and 
the land problem which we have in consequence on 
our hands is one of the most difficult. In all other 
respects the white's man rule in South Africa has on 
the whole been of immense benefit to the natives, and 
the economic conditions of the natives in South Africa 
are far in advance of anything existing anywhere 
among African natives. There is an awakened public 
conscience among the whites no less than among the 
natives which will not silently tolerate injustice or 
abuses, and which one hopes may yet come to form 
an efficient safeguard for native interests. As a result 
we have a constant ventilation of native grievances 
which may give a wrong impression to those not 
closely acquainted with conditions in South Africa. 
The solid and incontrovertible fact remains that 
native progress in South Africa under white rule has 
been quite unprecedented, in spite of some regret- 
table legislation which has recently found or is still 
seeking its way to the statute book. 

The last objection which has been raised to the 
colonization of the tropics is based on reasons of 
health. It is alleged that no permanent European 


population can be maintained in the tropics; the 
adults cannot work under tropical climatic conditions, 
and thus become entirely dependent on black labour, 
and in the end parasitical, while children cannot be 
properly reared and brought up to healthy maturity. 
Although the altitude mitigates the heat it is said to 
produce a tendency to nervous excitement and strain. 
How far this objection is valid it is difficult, if not 
impossible, to say with our present limited know- 
ledge. A white community has now been living 
for almost a generation in the high lands of Kenya 
and other parts of East Africa. In Rhodesia and 
South- West Africa, which are well within the 
tropics, white communities have been permanently 
settled for the last thirty to thirty-five years; large 
families are reared, and the school-children appear 
strong and healthy, and no different from children 
in the Union farther south. In the Transvaal, where 
the Rand and much of the high veld lies at an altitude 
of 5,000 to 6,000 ft., a large white population has been 
living for the last forty years and more, without any 
detriment to their health or physical fitness as a com- 
munity. It is a fact that tropical and sub-tropical 
parts of South Africa, which once were thought un- 
healthy, now carry a large white population without 
any harm to health. In other parts of the world 
whites live permanently in the tropics at more or less 
high altitudes. Australian experience in northern 
Queensland is entirely favourable to white settlement 
in the tropics. The Director of the Australian 
Institute of Tropical Medicine, in a valuable report 


called 'The White Man in the Tropics' (1925), makes 

the following statement : 

'Australia has the unique distinction of having bred up 
during the last seventy years a large, resident, pure-blooded 
white population under tropical conditions. For a con- 
siderable time it has been more and more apparent that the 
question of the possibility of establishing the white man in 
tropical countries, possessing no large resident native popu- 
lation, is infinitely more largely a question of preventive 
medicine than a question of climate. Climatic adaptation is 
certainly essential and must be assisted by habits and the 
provision of environmental circumstances which are in con- 
formity with conditions of climate and temperature. While 
the attention of the world has been directed with incredulity 
and amazement upon small colonies of Europeans striving to 
obtain a footing in Brazil and Peru, Rhodesia, German South - 
West Africa, and other localities, thousands of Australians 
have been living in identical latitudes unaware that by so 
doing they were controverting the old-established, generalized 
dictum that the white man cannot persist under tropical 

The human body is very adaptable, and Europeans 
to-day thrive over the world under conditions very 
different from those which reared them originally in 
temperate Europe. In these matters we have not the 
actual experience or statistics which would justify 
definite conclusions. But the settlement of the high 
lands of Eastern Africa must necessarily take genera- 
tions to carry out fully, and there will be time enough 
to watch the effects of the policy on the health and 
physical character of the population, and to slow down 
or speed up the process in accordance with the ex- 
perience gained. The experiment, so far as it has 


already progressed in Rhodesia and Kenya, seems to 
justify the speeding up of the policy, and no undue 
weight should be attached to this particular difficulty, 
although the results of the policy, from the health 
point of view, will have to be carefully watched. It is 
even possible that just as in the biological world new 
types are evolved in a new environment, so a new 
human type may in time arise under the unusual 
climatic conditions of Eastern Africa. The Transvaal 
Boer already seems to be evolving into a type very 
different from his Dutch Huguenot ancestors. The 
human laboratory of Africa may yet produce strange 
results, and time alone can show whether or not the 
experiment was w r orth while in the interests of 

I have now dealt with some of the doubts and 
difficulties which have been raised against w T hite 
settlement in Eastern Africa, and I conclude with 
the positive reasons favouring such a policy. The 
British Government are to-day in control of a vast 
portion of the African continent, and especially 
of that part which, as far as evidence goes, appears 
eminently suitable for European colonization. It 
cannot simply sit on these vast assets and adopt a 
policy of drift. It is a trustee for civilization; it must 
see that the best use is made of this huge undeveloped 
estate. And such a role especially befits the greatest 
colonizing power the world has ever seen. The re- 
sources of Eastern Africa must be developed and 
exploited in a manner worthy of the traditions of 
Great Britain. I have tried to show that the claim 


of the natives to civilization, no less than the claim of 
the world to the vigorous development of these 
valuable tropical lands, calls for a great colonizing 
effort on the part of Great Britain. The building up 
of a strong white community to hold and develop the 
healthy high lands which stretch from Rhodesia to 
Kenya would be a magnificent response to this call. 
Now that Great Britain holds these territories from 
north to south in one unbroken chain, she has an 
opportunity, greater even than Rhodes dreamt of, to 
carry out her historic mission and establish in the 
heart of the African continent and as a bulwark of 
its future civilization another great European com- 
munity. To me it seems the next critical step in the 
evolution of our Commonwealth of Nations. These 
fragments of Crown colonies should be put in the 
way of becoming in time another important self- 
governing unit of the Empire. There are here the 
makings of something of far-reaching importance 
for Africa, for the Empire, and for the world. But 
a definite forward policy is wanted which will eventu- 
ally lead to this consummation. The future only can 
show whether this new group will be linked with the 
Union in the south or whether it will follow lines of 
its own in a new northern constellation. What is 
urgently wanted is the settlement of a white popu- 
lation, able and competent to undertake the task of 
development, and finally to conquer and hold this 
continent for European civilization. 

There is another aspect of this question which I 
am sure will not be lost sight of in these days. The 


question of Empire migration bulks very large to-day, 
and if I read the signs of the times aright, it will bulk 
still larger in the years to come. Vast sums have 
been rendered available by the British parliament 
in order to promote the migration of the surplus 
population of this country to the distant vacant 
spaces of the Empire. The first measure of the new 
Labour Government in its effort to grapple with 
unemployment was a bill for subsidizing colonial 
development. There is an urgent double call for 
easing the pressure in the narrow, overcrowded 
space at home, and for increasing it in the vast 
undeveloped estate of the Empire abroad. Rhodes 's 
policy of 'more homes' in the outer Empire is 
to-day more urgent and important than ever before. 
The time is more than ripe for a real forward policy 
of migration and land settlement in the Empire. 
There are great spaces to be filled up in the Domi- 
nions, and the mother country and the Dominions 
have an equal interest in the common task, which they 
should share financially. They have not yet really 
come to grips with it. But besides the Dominions 
there is Africa calling. On this continent Great 
Britain and the Empire have a more unique position 
than in any other portion of the globe. There is land 
enough and to spare for all present and future native 
requirements. Over and above that there is a large 
surplus of high land available for white settlers who 
will not merely be white planters. The occupation of 
these high lands by a settled European population 
will, in the years to come, take away an appreciable 

3404.4 K 


number of your home population, and will provide 
work for much larger numbers at home. By a 
vigorous policy of settlement on these high lands 
from south to north of Eastern Africa you will lay 
the foundations of a great future Dominion of the 
Empire. The cause of African civilization will be 
advanced more securely by such a policy than by 
any other that I can conceive. And thereby will be 
achieved a stable and permanent civilization which 
will give the native peoples of Africa that age-long 
contact with a higher order of things which the excep- 
tionally slow movement of the native specially calls 
for. No flash in the pan of tropical exploitation will 
really help the cause of African civilization. It will be 
a slow, gradual schooling of peoples who have slum- 
bered and stagnated since the dawn of time, and only 
an ever-present, settled, permanent European order 
can achieve that high end. The call of Africa for civi- 
lization, the call of the world for tropical products, 
and the call of these islands for migration and em- 
ployment all combine to give very real force to the 
case which I am making here to-day. From all these 
points of view the time has come for a real major 
advance, and I hope we shall not have long to wait 
for it. 

I conclude with two practical suggestions. My 
first concerns the carrying out of the policy I have 
advocated. It may have struck you that I have 
avoided any direct discussion of the valuable Report 
of the Hilton Young Commission on the organization 
of Eastern Africa. I may point out that the recom- 


mendations of that report deal with a temporary and 
limited situation, with the next step which the poli- 
tical and administrative structure in East Africa calls 
for. My theme has been a different one not political 
or administrative machinery, but the ultimate objec- 
tives of our African policy. I am pleading not for 
temporary measures but for the only sort of founda- 
tion which will securely bear the weight of future 
African development and civilization. A large white 
population seems to be a sine qua non ; and in the long 
run they, in concert with the natives, will settle their 
own political arrangements. There is only one point 
where my plea links on to the special recommenda- 
tions of the Report. The Report recommends that 
the East African territories shall be formed into two 
groups, in each of which a High Commissioner shall 
represent the Secretary of State for Colonies, and 
control and direct certain common policies of the 
group concerned such as native policy, customs, 
transport, defence, and research. To these I would 
add land settlement. If land settlement in Eastern 
Africa were decided upon as a major policy, and men 
of vision and wide sympathy and energy were ap- 
pointed to be High Commissioners, the picture which 
I have tried to sketch to-day will not be long in taking 
shape. If the instrument is adequate to the task, the 
results may be very far-reaching. Land settlement 
should, however, be a common concerted policy and 
should not be left to local idiosyncrasies. And along 
with native policy it should be the most important 
constructive task of the new High Commissioners. 


In the second place I would suggest that the essen- 
tial unity of our African problems should be recog- 
nized by instituting an Annual Conference for their 
discussion, to which all the British African States 
from Kenya to the Union of South Africa will send 
delegates. It is too much to ask the young and im- 
mature white communities in the north to bear the 
whole weight of the vast issues upon which they are 
now embarking, as well as to bear the brunt of con- 
tinual differences with Downing Street. There is 
great experience in the south which ought to be 
rendered available for the north. For a century and 
more South Africa has laboured and suffered over 
the very problems which are beginning to agitate 
the young communities in the north. This experience 
should be helpful beyond the Union. Many mistakes 
made in the south will then be avoided in the north, 
many new mistakes threatening in the north will 
appear as such in the light of South African experience. 
Interest in and concern for native progress and wel- 
fare are steadily growing in the Union of South 
Africa, in spite of all appearances to the contrary. 
Annual conferences by the leaders throughout Eastern 
and South Africa will provide the necessary forum 
for shaping common policies. And as a result of such 
conferences, the British Government and the High 
Commissioners will have a more responsible and 
mature white opinion to reckon with and to guide 
them in their task. An informal East African con- 
ference already exists so far as the territories from 
Rhodesia northwards are concerned. The Union 


should join this conference, and its organization 
should be regularized so that more weight will attach 
to its discussions and recommendations. Nothing in 
the nature of a parliament or even of a General 
African Advisory Council is intended or is necessary. 
A common forum for exchanging ideas, for clarifying 
viewpoints, for self-education of the leaders, and for 
hammering out common policies embodied in resolu- 
tions is all that is wanted. By such means a healthy 
public opinion will be formed, and the pitfalls due to 
the narrower local outlook will be avoided in matters 
of far-reaching common significance. Such a con- 
ference with a permanent secretariat will meet all the 
present needs of the case, and it may become an 
institution which will yet exercise a most important 
and beneficent influence over future developments on 
this continent a sort of African League of Nations, 
in fact, for the British States. 

The address which I have given to-day on the 
policy of white settlement in Africa is incomplete 
without the address on native policy which I intend 
to deliver on the i6th November. The two will 
together sketch an integral African policy, the native 
and white aspects of which are closely inter- 




OUR subject to-day will be African Native Policy. 
It bristles with difficult and contentious issues, 
and I must crave your attention to what may be a 
tedious discussion. If, owing to the short time at my 
disposal, I pass lightly over certain points, you must 
bear in mind that nevertheless I am fully aware of their 
importance. In our discussion of white settlement 
in Africa a good deal was said also on native policy, 
but only incidentally, as bearing on the subject of 
white settlement. But native policy deserves to be 
considered by itself, as it is far and away the most im- 
portant issue which is raised by our European contact 
with the African continent and its peoples. The 
policy or policies which the European peoples are 
going to pursue towards the natives of Africa will 
have far-reaching effects, not only for Africa, but for 
the future of the world . This is the issue of the contact 
of colours and civilizations, which seems destined to 
become a dominant issue of the twentieth century. In 
Asia a similar question of the contact of colours and 
cultures is rapidly coming to the front, and history 
tells us what these impacts of Asia and Europe on 
each other have meant in the past. These impacts 
it was which, renewed at various epochs, set the 
peoples of Europe going, and launched them on 
that career which has led to their domination 
of the world. The influence of Europe to-day on 

3404.4 T 


Asia seems to be having a somewhat similar rousing 
effect on a colossal scale. Under the stimulus of 
Western ideas, Asia is being stirred and shaken from 
one end to the other. The rise of Japan, the awaken- 
ing of India, China, the Near East, and the Malayan 
islands of the Pacific seem to herald another of the 
great movements or upheavals of history. It will 
depend very much on the wisdom and far-sighted 
policies of the European peoples, and on the growth 
and the success of the League of Nations in its 
pacific world-policy, whether this awakening of the 
East will be for the good or the ill of the human race 
as a whole. 

We are concerned to-day with these racial reactions 
in so far as they affect Europe and Africa a smaller 
question, but still a very large human question, 
fraught with immense possibilities for the future of 
our own civilization as well as that of Africa. What 
is wanted in Africa to-day is a wise far-sighted native 
policy. If we could evolve and pursue a policy which 
will promote the cause of civilization in Africa with- 
out injustice to the African, without injury to what 
is typical and specific in the African, we shall 
render a great service to the cause of humanity. 
For there is much that is good in the African and 
which ought to be preserved and developed. The 
negro and the negroid Bantu form a distinct human 
type which the world would be poorer without. Here 
in this vast continent, with its wide geographical 
variety and its great climatic differences, this unique 
human type has been fixing itself for thousands of 


years. It is even possible, so some anthropologists 
hold, that this was the original mother-type of the 
human race and that Africa holds the cradle of man- 
kind. But whether this is so or not, at any rate here 
we have the vast result of time, which we should 
conserve and develop with the same high respect 
which we feel towards all great natural facts. This 
type has some wonderful characteristics. It has 
largely remained a child type, with a child psychology 
and outlook. A child-like human cannot be a bad 
human, for are we not in spiritual matters bidden 
to be like unto little children? Perhaps as a direct 
result of this temperament the African is the only 
happy human I have come across. No other race is 
so easily satisfied, so good-tempered, so care-free. 
If this had not been the case, it could scarcely have 
survived the intolerable evils which have weighed on 
it like a nightmare through the ages. A race, which 
could survive the immemorial practice of the witch 
doctor and the slave trader, and preserve its inherent 
simplicity and sweetness of disposition, must have 
some very fine moral qualities. The African easily 
forgets past troubles, and does not anticipate future 
troubles. This happy-go-lucky disposition is a great 
asset, but it has also its drawbacks. There is no 
inward incentive to improvement, there is no per- 
sistent effort in construction, and there is complete 
absorption in the present, its joys and sorrows. Wine, 
women, and song in their African forms remain the 
great consolations of life. No indigenous religion has 
been evolved, no literature, no art since the magnifi- 


cent promise of the cave-men and the South African 
petroglyphist, no architecture since Zimbabwe (if 
that is African). Enough for the Africans the simple 
joys of village life, the dance, the tom-tom, the con- 
tinual excitement of forms of fighting which cause 
little bloodshed. They can stand any amount of 
physical hardship and suffering, but when deprived 
of these simple enjoyments, they droop, sicken, and 
die. Travellers tell how for weeks the slaves would 
move impassively in captive gangs; but when they 
passed a village and heard the pleasant noises of 
children, the song and the dance, they would 
suddenly collapse and die, as if of a broken heart. 
These children of nature have not the inner tough- 
ness and persistence of the European, nor those 
social and moral incentives to progress which have 
built up European civilization in a comparatively 
short period. But they have a temperament which 
suits mother Africa, and which brings out the simple 
joys of life and deadens its pain, such as no other race 

It is clear that a race so unique, and so different in 
its mentality and its cultures from those of Europe, 
requires a policy very unlike that which would suit 
Europeans. Nothing could be worse for Africa than 
the application of a policy, the object or tendency of 
which would be to destroy the basis of this African 
type, to de-Africanize the African and turn him 
either into a beast of the field or into a pseudo- 
European. And yet in the past we have tried both 
alternatives in our dealings with the Africans. First 


we looked upon the African as essentially inferior or 
sub-human, as having no soul, and as being only fit to 
be a slave. As a slave he became an article of com- 
merce, and the greatest article of export from this 
continent for centuries. But the horrors of this trade 
became such that the modern conscience finally re- 
volted and stamped out African slavery peacefully 
in the British Empire, but in America with the con- 
vulsions of civil war and a million dead. Then we 
changed to the opposite extreme. The African now 
became a man and a brother. Religion and politics 
combined to shape this new African policy. The 
principles of the French Revolution which had 
emancipated Europe were applied to Africa ; liberty, 
equality, and fraternity could turn bad Africans into 
good Europeans. The political system of the natives 
was ruthlessly destroyed in order to incorporate 
them as equals into the white system. The African 
was good as a potential European; his social and 
political culture was bad, barbarous, and only deserv- 
ing to be stamped out root and branch. In some of 
the British possessions in Africa the native just emerg- 
ing from barbarism was accepted as an equal citizen 
with full political rights along with the whites. But 
his native institutions were ruthlessly proscribed and 
destroyed. The principle of equal rights was applied 
in its crudest form, and while it gave the native a 
semblance of equality with whites, which was little 
good to him, it destroyed the basis of his African 
system which was his highest good. These are the ] 
two extreme native policies which have prevailed in^ 


the past, and the second has been only less harmful 
than the first. If Africa has to be redeemed, if Africa 
has to make her own contribution to the world, if 
Africa is to take her rightful place among the conti- 
nents, we shall have to proceed on different lines and 
evolve a policy which will not force her institutions 
into an alien European mould, but which will preserve 
her unity with her own past, conserve what is precious 
in her past, and build her future progress and civiliza- 
tion on specifically African foundations. That should 
be the new policy, and such a policy would be in line 
with the traditions of the British Empire. As I said 
on an occasion which has become historic : the British 
Empire does not stand for assimilation of its peoples 
into a common type, it does not stand for standardiza- 
tion, but for the fullest freest development of its 
peoples along their own specific lines. This principle 
applies not only to its European, but also to its Asiatic 
and its African constituents. 

It is a significant fact that this new orientation of 
African policy had its origin in South Africa, and 
that its author was Cecil Rhodes in his celebrated 
Glen Grey Act. Rhodes 's African policy embodied 
two main ideas: white settlement to supply the 
steel framework and the stimulus for an enduring 
civilization, and indigenous native institutions to ex- 
press the specifically African character of the natives 
in their future development and civilization. African 
policies should arise in Africa, from the experience 
of the men and women who are in daily contact with 
its living problems. And it is therefore significant that 


the lines on which the new Africa is being shaped are 
mainly of African origin. When I call Rhodes the 
original author of the new policy I do not mean that 
it was his sole, individual inspiration. During the 
most fruitful and successful period of his public life 
he was associated with Jan Hofmeyr, who was one of 
the wisest, most experienced, and far-sighted men 
whom South Africa has ever produced. In evolving 
his native policy Rhodes collaborated closely and con- 
tinuously with Hofmeyr ; and the policy in the form 
it took in the celebrated Glen Grey Act was therefore 
the joint product of Rhodes and Hofmeyr, of English- 
and Dutch-speaking South Africans. The new orienta- 
tion therefore rests on a very broad basis of African 

Prior to the Glen Grey legislation it had been the 
practice in South Africa, as it had been the practice 
in all European-occupied territory in Africa, to rule 
the natives direct through government officials, 
direct rule, as it has been called. Even where 
natives were left undisturbed in the possession of 
their tribal lands, the native organs of self-govern- 
ment were broken down and government rule was 
constituted in their place. The native chiefs were 
either deposed and deprived of authority, or where 
use was made of them they were incorporated into the 
official system and appointed as officers of the Govern- 
ment, from whom they derived all their authority and 
in whose name that authority was exercised. The^ 
principal innovation of Rhodes in his new legislation 
was, so far as possible, to introduce indirect white 


rule, and to make the natives manage their local 
tribal affairs. A system of native councils was 
inaugurated for the smaller areas, from which again 
delegates met to form a larger general council 
under the chairmanship of the resident magistrate 
of the area. Powers of taxation, of administration, 
and of recommending legislation to the Govern- 
ment were conferred on these councils. His second 
innovation was to make it possible for natives in 
their tribal areas to become possessed of their own 
separate plots of agricultural land, instead of the 
traditional communal holding and working of land 
which is the universal native system throughout 
Africa. Under the native system the tribe, not the 
individual, owns the lands, and from time to time 
the chief and his advisers assign to each head of a 
family the plot which he may cultivate for himself. 
This plot can be and is usually changed, so that there 
is no fixity of tenure, and in consequence no incentive 
to improve the land and to do the best with it or get 
the most out of it. For this communal social system 
of land tenure Rhodes substituted individual tenure > 
under certain reservations and with certain safeguards 
designed in the interests of the native holders them- 
selves. A third feature of his system was a labour tax 
of ten shillings per annum, imposed on all native heads 
of families who did not go out to work beyond their 
district for three months in the year. The object of 
this tax was obvious. The whites wanted labourers, 
and the natives were supposed to require some in- 
ducement to go and work instead of sitting on their 


holdings and seeing their women work. Both in the 
interests of the whites and the natives, therefore, this 
special tax was imposed as an economic experiment. 
The tax, however, was unpopular with the natives 
from the start, and soon appeared to be an unnecessary 
irritation. The native men went to work quite readily 
or sent their young men to work for the whites. Be- 
fore many years this special tax was repealed, and in 
later years a similar tax in the Transvaal met with the 
same fate. The native, although a slow worker, is not 
lazy, and does not require any special inducement to 
play his part in the economic development of the 
country. His main incentive is the rising scale of his 
needs in food and clothing, both for himself and for 
his often large family of children. In addition he 
is handicapped in South Africa by want of suf- 
ficient land for his requirements, and by the non- 
economic character of native farming on the whole. 
With his rise in the scale of civilization his needs 
rapidly develop, and he soon finds it necessary to 
supplement the scanty proceeds of his farming with 
the ready cash which he can earn in white employ- 
ment. His economic lot, therefore, inevitably be- 
comes more difficult, and forms a sufficient incentive 
to go out and work without any special means taken 
to force him to do so. The universal experience in 
Africa is that, although it takes some time at the 
beginning for the native to enter white employment, 
his rapidly growing economic needs in a white en- 
vironment, and with a rising scale of living, soon make 
him take his full share of the burden without any 

3404.4 M 


necessity to resort to special measures. The young 
European communities who in other parts of the 
African continent are struggling with this labour 
question as their principal trouble, and who may feel 
tempted to resort to the unsuccessful experiments 
which we have tried and discarded in South Africa, 
may take heart from our experience in South Africa 
of the native as a continuously improving worker. 
Dismissing therefore the question of a labour tax, we 
come to consider the other features of Rhodes 's Act, 
their general bearing on African native policy. 

His provision of individual agricultural holdings 
has been a great success, and has been a principal 
means of native advance where it has been adopted in 
the Union. The native system of land socialism is 
not only primitive but most wasteful in its working. 
Why should the native farmer improve and render 
productive what belongs to the community, and may 
be taken away from him by the community? The 
result is that these communal farm lands rapidly 
deteriorate and become exhausted, and have to be 
abandoned after a few years' use. Then the farm 
lands shift to another area of the tribal domain where 
the same process of uneconomic exhaustion is re- 
peated. And in the course of years this shifting culti- 
vation works havoc with the natural resources of the 
domain; the soil is progressively exhausted; the 
forests and trees disappear; the natural vegetable 
covering is destroyed; soil erosion sets in; the rainfall 
is lessened, and what water does fall flows off in 
torrents; arid conditions arise; and the tribal lands 


become a barren waste. This sad phenomenon can 
be seen in one degree or another all over the 
African continent. Not only in South Africa, but in 
many other parts of the continent a native area or 
reserve can be recognized at a distance by the obvious 
general deterioration of the natural vegetation and the 
soil. But for the enormous natural resources and 
recuperative power of the continent, most of Africa 
would by now be a howling wilderness, because of 
the wasteful rural economy of its population. Unless 
the carrying capacity of the land is to be gravely im- 
paired in the future, steps will have to be taken every- 
where to preserve the forests and the soil, and to teach 
the native better methods of agriculture. Practical 
agricultural education must indeed become one of 
the principal subjects of native education. But 
nothing will have a more far-reaching effect than a 
general system of individual agricultural holdings 
under proper safeguards. The economic incentive 
to use properly, and to improve, what is one's own, 
is more powerful than any other factor of progress. 
In a world tending more and more towards general 
socialism, the vague phrase of 'native socialism' may 
sound attractive, but its practical effects in Africa 
are everywhere devastating, and it has significantly 
maintained on that continent the most backward 
conditions to be found anywhere. 

The main object of the Glen Grey legislation was, 
however, to give the native his own institutions for 
his self-development and self-government. It marks 
definitely the abandonment of the older policy of 


direct rule, according to which the white man's 
system and culture had to be imposed on the native, 
and native institutions had to be scrapped as bar- 
barous. The new policy is to foster an indigenous 
native culture or system of cultures, and to cease to 
force the African into alien European moulds. As a 
practical policy of native government it has worked 
most successfully. Gradually the system of native 
councils and native self-government through their 
own tribal chiefs and elected councils has been 
extended from one native area to another in the 
Cape Province, until to-day about two-thirds of 
the Cape natives, or roughly over a million, fall 
under this system and manage their own local affairs 
according to their own ideas under the supervision 
of the European magistrates. They impose a small 
capitation tax of ten shillings per annum for their 
own local requirements, they look after their own 
roads, and the dipping of their cattle against disease; 
they teach improved agricultural methods through 
their own native officers ; they amend their customary 
native law, advise the Government in regard to pro- 
posed laws in their areas, and in many other ways 
they look after their own local interests, find useful 
expression for their political energies, and get an 
invaluable training in disinterested public service. 
A sense of pride in their institutions and their own 
administration is rapidly developing, and, along with 
valuable experience in administration and public 
affairs, they are also acquiring a due sense of respon- 
sibility; where mistakes are made they feel satis- 


fied that they have only themselves to blame. After 
the new system had worked successfully and with 
ever increasing efficiency for twenty-five years, I 
thought the time ripe in 1920 to extend it to the whole 
of the Union, and in that year an Act was passed 
which gave increased powers to the councils and 
authorized the Government to introduce them over 
the whole Union, wherever the advance of the natives 
might justify the step. A Native Affairs Commission 
was at the same time appointed to advise the natives 
and the Government in regard to the establishment 
of new Councils, as well as in reference to all legisla- 
tion affecting the natives. And it is confidently 
expected that before many years have passed the 
greater portion of the native population of South 
Africa will be in charge of their own local affairs, 
under general white supervision; and in this way 
they will get an outlet for their political and ad- 
ministrative energies and ambitions which will give 
them the necessary training for eventual participa- 
tion in a wider sphere of public life. 

The new departure is most far-reaching and has 
come none too soon. Already the African system is 
disintegrating everywhere over the whole African 
continent. Many factors have combined to produce 
this situation. Missionaries share the blame with 
governments, the fight against the native social ideas 
has been no less destructive than the deposition 
of native chiefs and the institution of European 
organs of government. Unfortunately the earlier 
efforts of missionary enterprise were made without 


any reference to, or knowledge of, the peculiar native 
psychology, or the light which anthropology has 
thrown on the past of human cultures. For the 
natives, religion, law, natural science, social customs 
and institutions, all form one blended whole, which 
enshrines their view of the world and of the forces 
governing it. Attack this complex system at any 
single point, and the whole is endangered. The 
introduction of the Christian religion meant not only 
the breakdown of the primitive belief in spirits, in 
magic and witchcraft, and the abandonment of the 
practice of polygamy ; it meant the breakdown of the 
entire integral native Weltanschauung or outlook on 
life and the world. A knowledge of anthropology 
would have been most useful, and would have 
helped to conserve the native social system, while 
ridding it of what was barbarous or degrading. 
The tendency of the Christian mission has therefore 
on the whole been to hasten the disintegration of the 
native system, both in its good and its bad aspects. 
To this has been added the introduction of the white 
man's administration through his own official organs, 
the breakdown of the authority of the chiefs and the 
tribal system, and the loosening of the bonds which 
bind native society together, with the consequent 
weakening or disappearance of tribal discipline over 
the young men and women of the tribe. The general 
disintegration has been powerfully reinforced by the 
vast improvement in the means of transport, the 
opening of communications, and by labour recruit- 
ment, which have led to the movement of natives 


and their mix-up on a scale which would have been 
impossible before. (The events of the Great War on 
the African continent Tiave also contributed to this 
general disintegration. If the bonds of native tribal 
cohesion and authority are dissolved, the African 
governments will everywhere sit with vast hordes 
of detribalized natives on their hands, for whom 
the traditional restraints and the discipline of the 
chiefs and the elders will have no force or effect. 
The old social and religious sanctions will have dis- 
appeared, while no new sanctions except those of the 
white man's laws will have been substituted. Such 
a situation would be unprecedented in the history 
of the world and the results may well be general 
chaos. From time immemorial the natives of Africa 
have been subject to a stern, even a ruthless, 
discipline, and their social system has rested on the 
despotic authority of their chiefs. If this system 
breaks down and tribal discipline disappears, native 
society will be resolved into its human atoms, with 
possibilities of universal Bolshevism and chaos which 
no friend of the natives, or the orderly civilization of 
this continent, could contemplate with equanimity. 
Freed from all traditional moral and social discipline, 
the native, just emerging from barbarism, may throw 
all restraint to the winds. Such a breakdown should 
be prevented at all costs, and everything should be 
done to maintain in the future the authority which 
has guided native life in the past. In the interests of 
the native as well as those of the European adminis- 
trations responsible for their welfare, we are called 


upon to retrace our steps, to take all proper measures 
which are still possible to restore or preserve the autho- 
rity of the chiefs, and to maintain the bonds of soli- 
darity and discipline which have supported the tribal 
organization of the natives in the past. This authority 
or discipline need not be exercised in a barbarous way, 
and should be shorn of all old-time cruelty and other 
undesirable features. But in essence it should be 
maintained, and under the general supervision and 
check of the European magistrate it should continue 
to be exercised. Special means should be taken to 
instruct chiefs in their duties, and the sons of chiefs 
and headmen should be trained to the proper exer- 
cise of the leadership which they may be called upon 
to fill. Such schools already exist, not only in South 
Africa, but under the Tanganyika and Uganda 
administrations, and may prove most helpful in pre- 
serving the traditional native chieftainship and head- 
manship as a vital link in the organization of native 

The new policy is in effect enshrined in the Cove- 
nant of the League of Nations and in the mandates 
passed thereunder. Act 22 of the Covenant lays down 
that in those colonies and territories taken from the 
defeated Powers, which are inhabited by peoples not 
yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous 
conditions of the modern world, there shall be applied 
the principle, that the well-being and development of 
such peoples form a sacred trust of civilization, and 
that this trust shall be carried out by advanced 
nations acting as mandatories on behalf of the League 


of Nations. The development of peoples, not yet able 
to stand by themselves, can only mean the progress 
and civilization of these backward peoples in accor- 
dance with their own institutions, customs, and ideas, 
in so far as these are not incompatible with the ideals 
of civilization. That this was the plain meaning and 
intention of the article I can state with some authority, 
as I was in a measure responsible for this mandate 
principle and for its formulation in article 22 of the 
Covenant. This article enshrines a policy and a prin- 
ciple which is not only in consonance with common 
sense, but which has already been tested in practice 
on a fairly large scale, and which in future ought to 
govern universally the contacts between European 
and other less advanced peoples. 

It may be of some interest to indicate briefly how 
this policy is being applied in a mandated territory 
like Tanganyika. The foundation of the system is the 
maintenance and building up of the authority of 
the chiefs in their various ranks. Their sons receive 
special training in a school for the sons of chiefs, 
intended to fit them for their future duties. Their 
office is hereditary, but deposition and popular 
election are both possible in accordance with native 
ideas. The chief is responsible for the administration 
of his tribe, maintains order and good government 
within its area, and prevents the commission of 
offences. The heads of families pay an annual tax of 
ten shillings, which goes into the tribal treasury, 
from which a fixed amount is paid to the chief for his 
maintenance, the balance being devoted to tribal pur- 

3404.4 TSJ 


poses. The chief can issue orders for a large number 
of purposes, such as prohibiting or controlling the 
manufacture and consumption of intoxicating liquors, 
preventing the pollution of the water in any stream, 
controlling migration of natives to or from his area, 
and requiring any native to cultivate land in such 
a way and with such crops as will secure a proper 
supply of food for him and his family. He may 
also make rules imposing fines and other penalties for 
the enforcement of his orders. Native courts are also 
instituted, administering native law and custom in 
both civil and criminal cases between natives within 
a certain jurisdiction ; and from their decisions or 
sentences appeals lie ultimately to a white authority, 
who has also to confirm certain criminal sentences 
before their execution. 

The white administration remains responsible for 
the larger functions of government, such as the com- 
bating of human and animal diseases, the organiza- 
tion of education, the improvement of agriculture, 
and the construction of public works, and maintains 
a staff for these and similar purposes . But all the purely 
tribal concerns are left to the chief and his counsellors 
whose actions are supervised by the white officer only 
in certain cases intended to prevent abuses. The 
native system may not be as efficient and incorruptible 
as direct white rule would be, but a certain amount 
of inefficiency or even injustice, according to white 
ideas, is excusable, so long as the natives are trained 
to govern themselves according to their own ideas, 
and bear the responsibility for their own small mis- 


takes. In this way they learn to stand by themselves, 
and will in the long run be trained to do all their own 
local government work. It is not only the training in 
self-government that will benefit them. They will 
develop the sense of responsibility which goes with 
it, and which is in itself one of the most valuable 
lessons of life. In looking after their own concerns 
they will, in addition, cultivate a sense of pride in 
their own system and increase their self-respect. 
And, above all, they will develop an active interest in 
their own public affairs, which will be of enormous 
moral and social value. The white man does the 
native a grave injury by doing everything for him in 
, the way of government, and thereby depriving his life 
of all public interest. Gone is the excitement of his 
petty wars ; and if in addition there is the repression 
of all his former public activities and the suppression 
of his native values, we must expect a sense of frustra- 
tion which will take all the zest out of his life. The 
question has even been raised whether the white 
man's rule, in taking all the interest out of native life, 
is not responsible for that decadence, lowered birth- 
rate, and slow petering out which we see in the case of 
many primitive peoples. At any rate the new policy 
of native self-government will provide the natives 
with plenty of bones to chew at and plenty of matter 
to wrangle over and they do love to talk and dispute 
ad infinitwn and in that way help to fill their other- 
wise empty lives with interest. 

Another important consequence will follow from 
this system of native institutions. Wherever Euro- 


peans and natives live in the same country, it will 
mean separate parallel institutions for the two. The 
old practice mixed up black with white in the same 
institutions; and nothing else was possible, after the 
native institutions and traditions had been carelessly 
or deliberately destroyed. But in the new plan there 
will be what is called in South Africa 'segregation' 
separate institutions for the two elements of the 
population, living in their own separate areas. Sepa- 
rate institutions involve territorial segregation of the 
white and black. If they live mixed up together it is 
not practicable to sort them out under separate 
institutions of their own. Institutional segregation 
carries with it territorial segregation. The new policy 
therefore gives the native his own traditional institu- 
tions on land which is set aside for his exclusive 
occupation. For agricultural and pastoral natives, 
living their tribal life, large areas or reserves are set 
aside, adequate for their present and future needs. 
In not setting aside sufficient such areas in South 
Africa in the past we committed a grievous mistake, 
which is at the root of most of our difficulties in 
native policy. For urbanized natives, on the other 
hand, who live, not under tribal conditions but as 
domestic servants or industrial workers in white 
areas, there are set aside native villages or locations, 
adjoining to the European towns. In both rural 
reserves and town locations the natives take a 
part in or run their own local self-government. 
Such is the practice now in vogue in South Africa 
and it is likely to develop still further, and to 


spread all over Africa where white and black live 
and work together in the same countries. For 
residential and local government purposes a clean 
cleavage is becoming ever more marked, the white 
portion of the population living under more advanced 
European institutions, while the natives next door 
maintain their simpler indigenous system. This 
separation is imperative, not only in the interests of 
a native culture, and to prevent native traditions and 
institutions from being swamped by the more power- 
ful organization of the whites, but also for other im- 
portant purposes, such as public health, racial purity, 
and public good order. The mixing up of two such 
alien elements as white and black leads to unhappy 
social results racial miscegenation, moral deteriora- 
tion of both, racial antipathy and clashes, and to many 
other forms of social evil. In these great matters of 
race, colour, and culture, residential separation and 
parallel institutions alone can do justice to the ideals 
of both sections of the population. The system is 
accepted and welcomed by the vast majority of 
natives; but it is resented by a small educated 
minority who claim 'equal rights' with the whites. 
It is, however, evident that the proper place of the 
educated minority of the natives is with the rest of 
their people, of whom they are the natural leaders, 
and from whom they should not in any way be dis- 

Far more difficult questions arise on the industrial 
plane. It is not practicable to separate black and 
white in industry, and their working together in the 


same industry and in the same works leads to a certain 
amount of competition and friction and antagonism, 
for which no solution has yet been found. Unhappy 
attempts have been made in South Africa to introduce 
a colour bar, and an Act of that nature is actually on 
the Statute book, but happily no attempt has yet been 
made to apply it in practice. It empowers the Govern- 
ment to set aside separate spheres of work for the 
native and the non-native, the object being to confine 
the native to the more or less unskilled occupations or 
grades of work. The inherent economic difficulties 
of such a distribution of industrial functions, the 
universal objection of the native workers, and the 
sense of fair-play among the whites will make its 
practical application virtually impossible. No statu- 
tory barrier of that kind should be placed on the 
native who wishes to raise himself in the scale of 
civilization, nor could it be maintained for long 
against the weight of modern public opinion. As 
a worker the white man should be able to hold his 
own in competition with the native. Industrial as 
distinguished from territorial segregation would be 
both impracticable and an offence against the modern 

There remains the big question how far the 
parallelism of native and white institutions is to go ? 
Is it to be confined to local government, or is it to go 
all the way, up to the level of full political or parlia- 
mentary government? Should black and white co- 
operate in the same parliamentary institutions of the 
country ? If so, should they have separate representa- 


tives in the same parliamentary institutions? Few 
acquainted with the facts and the difficulties can 
profess to see clear daylight in the tangle of this 
problem. In the older practice, embodied in the 
constitution of the former Cape Colony and in many 
other colonial institutions, political equality between 
the different races on the basis of a complete mixture 
of political rights was recognized. Justice is colour- 
blind and recognizes no political differences on 
grounds of colour or race. Hence the formula of 
equal 'rights for all civilized men' with which the 
name of Rhodes is identified, and which represents 
the traditional British policy. That policy, however, 
arose at a time when the doctrine of native paral- 
lelism had not yet emerged, when native institutions 
were proscribed as barbarous, and the only place for 
the civilized native was therefore in the white man's 
system and the white man's institutions. The 
question is whether the new principle makes, or 
should make, any difference to the old tradition of 
mixed and equal political rights in the same parlia- 
mentary institutions. I notice that the Hilton Young 
Commission, after having made a powerful plea for 
separate native institutions for local government 
purposes, pause when they come up against the 
question of parliamentary institutions, and in the 
end leave the question over for the future. 

'If ' (they say), 'the idea of parallel development is accepted, 
then it follows that it is desirable to keep the way open as long 
as possible for the maximum measure of political segregation. 
This suggests that political development for the native and 


the settled areas should be carried forward on separate lines 

native and British respectively as far as possible.' 1 

Lord Lugard, in dealing with the question of equal 
rights in relation to colour, lays down the following 
proposition which a former President of the United 
States of America approved of: 

'Here, then/ (he says), 'is the true conception of the inter- 
relation of colour: complete uniformity in ideals, absolute 
equality in the paths of knowledge and culture, equal oppor- 
tunity for those who strive, equal administration for those 
who achieve ; in matters social and racial a separate path, each 
pursuing his own inherited traditions, preserving his own 
race-purity and race-pride ; equality in things spiritual, agreed 
difference in the physical and material.' 2 

An admirable statement of the principle to which 
I think all fair-minded men will agree. But you 
notice once more the silence about political rights. 

I do not think there can be, or that at bottom there 
is, among those who have given the subject serious 
attention, any doubt that in the supreme legislature 
of a country with a mixed population all classes and 
colours should have representation. It is repug- 
nant to our civilized European ideas that the weaker 
in a community should not be heard or should go 
without representation, either by themselves or 
through European spokesmen, where their interests 
are concerned. There can be but one sovereign body 
in a country, and that body should represent the 
weaker no less than the stronger. To that extent there 
should be agreement. As to the mode of representa- 

1 Cmd.3234, p. 84. 2 Dual Mandate, p. 87 


tion of colour in the supreme parliament there can be 
legitimate difference of opinion. The older practice 
was to give equal rights in the sense of mixed repre- 
sentation, the same member of the legislature repre- 
senting mixed bodies of white and native voters alike. 
The new policy of segregation of political rights would 
seem to point to separate representation for the 
colours in the same parliament so that white and 
native voters would vote in separate constituencies 
for separate representatives. There would still be 
equal political rights, and the Rhodes ideal in that 
sense would not be affected, but they would be 
exercised separately or communally. In South Africa, 
which, owing to the advanced condition of its natives, 
has become a sort of cockpit for race issues, we started 
with the older system of mixed constituencies in the 
Cape Colony, and this system is embodied and en- 
trenched in the Act of Union which forms our 
Constitution. The present Government have pro- 
posed to scrap this system for the future, and to give 
separate representation in Parliament to native and 
non-native voters. A policy which might have been 
easy and, from certain points of view, even commend- 
able, with a clean slate before us, has become enor- 
mously difficult because of what has been done in 
the past, and the justifiable fervour with which the 
Cape natives cling to their vested rights, which they 
have enjoyed for three-quarters of a century. A battle 
royal is still proceeding on this and cognate issues 
affecting the political rights of the natives, and it will 
require all the wisdom and patience which we can 



command in South Africa if we are to reach a 
generally acceptable solution. If we had to do 
only with the tribal native voters the question 
would not be so difficult, and the application of 
the general segregation principle to the particular 
case of political rights might be justified. Unfor- 
tunately very large numbers of detribalized natives 
are spread all over the Cape, and are no longer resi- 
dent or registered in the native areas . These urbanized 
natives living among the whites constitute the real 
crux, and it is a difficulty which goes far beyond the 
political issue. They raise a problem for the whole 
principle of segregation, as they claim to be civilized 
and Europeanized, and do not wish to be thrust back 
into the seclusion of their former tribal associations, 
or to forgo their new place in the sun among the 
whites. With the application of strict education and 
civilization tests it would probably be the better 
course to allow them to exercise their political rights 
along with the whites. Were it not for this case of 
the urbanized or detribalized natives, the colour 
problem, not only in South Africa but elsewhere 
in Africa, would be shorn of most of its difficulties. 
And the situation in South Africa is therefore a lesson 
to all the younger British communities farther north 
to prevent as much as possible the detachment of the 
native from his tribal connexion, and to enforce from 
the very start the system of segregation with its 
conservation of separate native institutions. 

In conclusion I wish to refer to an apparent dis- 
crepancy between this lecture and my previous one. 


In that lecture I stressed the importance of white 
settlement in Africa as a potent means of furthering 
native progress and civilization. I pointed out that 
enduring contact with the white man's civilization is 
the surest way to civilize the native. In this lecture 
I have emphasized the importance of preserving 
native institutions, of keeping intact as far as possible 
the native system of organization and social discipline. 
It may be thought that there is a clash between these 
two aims, and that civilization by white contact must 
inevitably lead to the undermining and ultimately to 
the destruction of the native culture and social sys- 
tem. This, however, is not so. So long as there is 
territorial segregation, so long as the native family 
home is not with the white man but in his own area, 
so long the native organization will not be materially 
affected. While the native may come voluntarily out 
of his own area for a limited period every year to work 
with a white employer, he will leave his wife and chil- 
dren behind in their native home. The family life in 
the native home will continue on the traditional lines ; 
the routine of the family and of the tribe will not be 
altered in any material respect. The male adults, 
father and sons, will no doubt imbibe new ideas in 
their white employment, but their social system will 
not suffer on that account. It is only when segrega- 
tion breaks down, when the whole family migrates 
from the tribal home and out of the tribal jurisdiction 
to the white man's farm or the white man's town, 
that the tribal bond is snapped, and the traditional 
system falls into decay. And it is this migration of 


the native family, of the females and children, to 
the farms and the towns which should be prevented. 
As soon as this migration is permitted the pro- 
cess commences which ends in the urbanized de- 
tribalized native and the disappearance of the native 
organization. It is not white employment of the native 
males that works the mischief, but the abandonment 
of the native tribal home by the women and children. 
This the law should vigorously prevent, and the 
system whether it is administered through passes 
or in any other way should only allow the residence 
of males for limited periods, and for purposes of 
employment among the whites. If this is done there 
will be no serious danger that the indigenous native 
system will be unduly affected. 

At the same time I wish to point out that the 
prevention of this migration will be no easy task, 
even where ample tribal lands are guaranteed to the 
natives. The whites like to have the families of their 
native servants with them. It means more continuous 
and less broken periods of labour, and it means more 
satisfied labourers. It means, moreover, the use of the 
women and children for such work as they are fit for. 
These are considerable advantages, and the white em- 
ployers will not be very keen to carry out a law against 
them. On the other hand, the native also very often 
likes to get away from the jurisdiction of the chief 
and the discipline of the tribe, and prefers to have his 
women and his children around him in his daily life. 
For the native the pressure to break away from the 
old bonds and live with his white master is thus very 


great. We have seen the process at work in South 
Africa. When the white emigrants entered and oc- 
cupied Natal, they found the entire territory between 
Zululand and Pondoland unoccupied; it had been 
laid bare and made a waste buffer between these two 
powerful native states. But no sooner had the whites 
settled in this empty area, than native deserters, dis- 
satisfied with the harsh rule of their chiefs, began to 
arrive and to settle as servants among the whites. 
And to-day, through this wholly voluntary migration, 
the province of Natal has a very large native popula- 
tion. It was not a case of the natives not having 
sufficient fertile lands for their own use. Zululand is 
one of the most fertile parts of South Africa, and it 
was and remains comparatively thinly populated. 
White employment, white protection, the freedom of 
the white man's rule compared to the discipline of the 
native chief and the jurisdiction of the tribe have been 
the potent factors in bringing about this migration. 
And they will continue to operate in all parts of Africa 
where whites settle down. In the old Cape Colony 
one frontier after another was drawn by the Cape 
governors between the white settlements and the 
native tribes, and migration from the one to the other 
was prohibited under stern penalties. But the system 
was for ever breaking down. The whites like to have 
native servants; the natives prefer to have white 
masters, and this double economic attraction has 
proved too much for any prohibitory law. 

There is, however, no reason why segregation, al- 
though it has broken down in South Africa in the 


past, should not be a workable and enforceable system 
in the future. The power of Government and the 
reach of the law are to-day very different from what 
they were under the primitive nomadic conditions of 
the old Cape frontier. The system of native adminis- 
tration is to-day so ramified and pervasive, the police- 
man is so ubiquitous, that segregation can be tried 
under far more favourable conditions than existed in 
South Africa in the past. The young countries to the 
north can start with a clean slate. They can learn 
from the mistakes which we made in South Africa, 
and can ab initio reserve ample lands for the natives 
to live and work on. They can check the abuses of 
the chiefs, and can effectively supervise the working 
of the native system, both in its administrative and 
judicial aspects. Witchcraft can be fought, official 
injustice and corruption can be largely prevented, 
schools can be established, and the simplest ameni- 
ties of civilized life can be introduced, in the native 
villages and tribal areas. The position is really very 
different from what it was generations ago, and 
the inducements for native families to remain on 
their tribal lands are such, or can be made such, 
that a segregation law will become comparatively easy 
to carry out. The women and children will continue 
to carry on their native life at home, will continue to 
work in the homes and in the fields as they have done 
from the immemorial past. The men, instead of lying 
in the sun, or brawling over their beer, or indulging 
in the dangerous sport of tribal warfare, will go out 
to work, and supplement the family income and 


render tolerable a weight which under the new 
conditions is becoming more and more difficult for 
the women and children. They should never be 
away long, and the physical and moral life of the 
family and the tribe need not suffer because of the 
short periods of absence. Theorists may pick holes 
in such a system, but there is no practical reason 
why it should not work in practice. There is no 
break in the communal village life, but among 
the men the thin end of the industrial wedge is 
quietly introduced, and they rightly become the 
bread-winners which they have seldom or never 
been. Such a system has great redeeming features, 
and compares more than favourably with the old 
ways, which meant absolute stagnation for the men, 
and virtual slavery for the women. It represents a 
compromise between the native routine of the past 
and the white man's industrial system, which may 
work tolerably well in the future. Without breaking 
down what is good in the native system, it will graft 
on to it a wholesome economic development, which 
will yet not disturb too deeply the traditional ways 
of mother Africa. The white man's civilization and 
the steadily progressing native culture will live side 
by side and react on each other, and the problems 
of their contact will provide a fruitful theme for the 
statesmen of the future. 


34O4 4 


THE object which Rhodes had in view in making 
his famous will is best brought out in the original 
draft which he made when he was a young man of 
twenty-four, and had his life still before him and his 
great fortune to make. In this curious document he 
expresses his object as being 'the foundation of so 
great a Power as hereafter to render wars impossible 
and to promote the best interests of humanity'. The 
Power he meant was stated to be a greatly expanded 
British Empire, with the U.S.A. once more reunited 
to it. In the final draft of his will, made twenty-two 
years afterwards, he emphasizes the following among 
his other objects, viz. 'the advantage to the colonies 
as well as to England of the retention of the unity of 
the Empire'. In spite of this emphasis on the unity 
of the Empire, this final draft retained the American 
scholarships, and included also the German scholar- 
ships. It is therefore a fair inference that Rhodes 's 
final vision was not confined to the British Empire, 
but that he continued to cherish the ideal of world 
peace and the best interests of humanity at large. It 
was for the purpose of achieving this larger ideal that 
he wished to bring together the scholars of what he 
considered the three leading world-peoples. Through 
the association of the future potential leaders of these 
peoples at the same great school, he wished to pro- 
mote international understanding, and thereby to 


lay the foundations for world-peace. World-peace 

and human betterment remained his real ideals, and 

the scholarship scheme was to be the means to their 


While Rhodes was planning for world-peace in his 
will, the terrible seeds of the future were germinating 
in that placid Victorian world, and within a short span 
of years after his death the greatest war in history had 
broken out. To deepen the irony, the very peoples 
whom he had singled out and had associated in his 
will as the joint guarantors of future peace were the 
principal protagonists against each other. Not only 
was his dream falsified here, but, when the war was 
over, an organization for world-peace was created 
very different from that which Rhodes had originally 
envisaged. In spite of this, however, his main object 
and his plan for its attainment remain unaffected, and 
the tremendous developments referred to have not 
rendered his will by any means obsolete. The 
scholarship scheme will still remain a potent and 
permanent means to further the great ideal of world- 
peace through human understanding. Hence, in 
discussing the main policies of Rhodes, it is by 
no means out of place to discuss what is to-day 
the dominant issue of world politics. I therefore 
make no apology for taking the subject of world-peace 
as my theme to-day. 

The new institution for world-peace the League 
of Nations came into the world under the gravest 
handicaps. It was almost killed by the initial ridicule 
with which its appearance was hailed. It looked so 


small and puny, so utterly unequal to the terrible 
situations which might confront it, that few were 
prepared to take it seriously. It was said to be the 
scheme of the idealists, and, even as such, but a 
travesty of the great hopes and expectations born of 
the world- war. Hard-headed practical men were in- 
clined to be sceptical; the old diplomatic order 
sneered ; the powers-that-be smiled at this hope of 
the world. Some thought the scheme too far-reaching 
and ambitious ; others again thought it was too cum- 
brous and impracticable, and that its machinery would 
never function in a real crisis. Many were openly 
hostile, called it a sham and a delusion, mere dope for 
the unsuspecting, to lull them into a false sense of 
security. In spite of the League the cry for security 
went up all over Europe, from people who evidently 
thought that there was no security to be looked for 
from the League. I point to this original attitude 
towards the League in order to emphasize the 
great change that has taken place in public opinion 
within the last ten years. There are still sceptics, but 
they are not so loud ; they are on the defensive. The 
Council and the Assembly of the League have not 
become the refuge for pompous nonentities as was 
expected ; the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers 
of Europe find it to their advantage to be present at 
the sessions and to make use of the League as the 
greatest platform in the world from which to address 
the public. In spite of a chequered record and 
many incidental failures, it has steadily made good 
and established itself, until to-day it is universally 


accepted as an indispensable organ of international 
relations. The founders have builded better than 
they knew ; the experiment has worked better than 
was expected; and the growing influence of the 
League and the more respectful attitude adopted to- 
wards it are a tribute to its steadily growing success. 
We have passed out of the era of idle compliments 
and covert sneers; the political realists have begun 
to realize that there is something in the thing, and 
that it is not one more idealistic bubble which is des- 
tined to be pricked in the march of events. Friends 
of the League, again, have no reason to be dissatisfied 
with the progress made, and feel justified in looking 
to the future with renewed hope, and in going forward 
with a firmer determination than ever to make of the 
League a powerful factor in human progress. 

The change in public opinion to which I have 
referred is a matter of the greatest significance. The 
original lukewarmness and scepticism with which the 
League was received were intelligible and in a sense 
excusable. It was a new fact, the real significance 
of which was not likely to be easily realized by 
conservative-minded people. What was more, it 
purported to be the beginning of a new order of 
things in a world where innovations were up 
against a very tough old order. Remembering the 
prevailing ideas of the Victorian era, and the views 
of international law and relations to which people 
were accustomed, it is nothing short of amazing, 
that in the short span of years which has elapsed 
since the Great War, public opinion has come to 


accept so revolutionary a departure as that which 
the League of Nations stands for. The sovereign 
powers of Europe and the world have been brought 
to sit round a table as a regular constitutional routine, 
to discuss their most intimate affairs with each 
other, to submit their legal differences to a court of 
international justice, and their political or national 
differences to mediation or conciliation boards. They 
have made the use of that great weapon of national 
aggrandizement war almost impossible, and they 
have finally renounced its use as an instrument of 
national policy. They have voluntarily agreed to 
limit their sovereign rights in deference to the in- 
terests of the international family of which they 
recognize themselves to be members. Difficult as this 
grand renunciation must be to those who only yester- 
day believed firmly that national power and influ- 
ence depended on military power and on the war 
weapon, they are to-day proceeding slowly to the 
still harder step of reducing their armies and navies 
as a pledge of their good faith and their loyalty to the 
new order of things. Looked at in its true light, in the 
light of the ages and of the time-honoured ideas and 
practice of mankind, we are beholding an amazing 
thing we are witnessing one of the great miracles of 
history. Of course the miracle has only become pos- 
sible because of the unexampled sufferings through 
which this generation has passed, because even the 
most hardened sinner is sick at heart at the sorrows 
and sufferings which have been our lot, and because 
only a moral or political lunatic could dare to obstruct 


a universal movement which calls a halt to such 
calamities. But still it is essentially a miracle that we 
are witnessing in the great peace movement of our 
day. One incident, illustrating the far-reaching char- 
acter of the changes now setting in, stands out very 
clearly in my memory. When towards the end of 
1918 I showed Lord Bryce the draft for a League of 
Nations which I had made, and the main principles 
of which were afterwards embodied in the Covenant, 
that wise man, in spite of his convinced idealism, 
asked me whether I really thought it possible that the 
Great Powers would accept a scheme involving such 
limitations on their sovereign rights. To him it 
seemed entirely unlikely that they would reconcile 
themselves to such a surrender. And yet that is 
exactly what they have since done. The League may 
be a difficult scheme to work, but the significant thing 
is that the Great Powers have pledged themselves to 
work it, that they have agreed to renounce their free 
choice of action and bound themselves to what 
amounts in effect to a consultative parliament of the 
world. By the side of that great decision and the 
enormous step in advance which it means, any small 
failures to live up to the great decision, any small 
lapses on the part of the League, are trifling indeed. 
The great choice is made, the great renunciation 
is over, and mankind has as it were at one bound, 
and in the short space of ten years, jumped from the 
old order to the new, across a gulf which may yet 
prove to be the greatest break or divide in human 
history. Let us not, in our first dissatisfaction or 


indignation over occasional failures of the League 
to live up to its great ideal, lose sight of this really 
all-important fact; let us not lose our real sense of 
values or our right perspective. The advance 
actually and incontestably made is so great that 
no incidental error or lapse on the part of the 
League can seriously detract from it. There is no 
looking back or retracing of steps possible any more 
we can only move forward. He who recants and 
proceeds to defy the League will be a traitor and a 
law-breaker to a legally established order, and will be 
dealt with on that basis. What has been done can 
never be undone. One epoch closes in the history 
of the world and another opens. 

Mind you, I do not say that there will be no more 
wars. But this I do say, that any future wars will rest 
on an entirely different basis from that on which past 
wars have rested, and will meet with a different 
human attitude from that in which past wars were 
regarded. Past wars, even the most immoral and 
indefensible, were legal; they were sanctioned by 
international usage and law. As great legal acts of 
national policy they commanded the high devotion 
of private citizens, they called forth the most exalted 
heroisms; they were consecrated by the highest en- 
thusiasm and covered by a blaze of glory. All the 
loyalties and heroisms of which human nature was 
capable, all the glory and romance which could thrill 
the human soul deepest, were connected with war. 
It will be so no longer. Henceforth, by an inevitable 
process, war follows the chivalry of feudalism into the 



limbo of the past. If it shows its face, it will be with- 
out the mask of romance which made it so attractive 
in the past; it will appear to be the cruel, accursed, 
illegal thing that it really is ; the nation that resorts to 
it will be branded as a public danger and nuisance by 
the general consensus of opinion. Public opinion will 
frown on it, and it will be a sordid, tawdry affair. 
The warlike Don Quixote of the future will meet 
with laughter and ridicule, and if he persists he will 
run the risk of condign punishment at the hands of 
the nations. What is more: the future is to those 
nations who unreservedly accept the new situation. 
The wise and prudent nations will quietly and 
deliberately shape their course according to the new 
international system; will gradually ease their own 
burdens and reduce their war establishments. The 
emotional and imprudent on the other hand may 
continue to think along the old lines, wasting their 
treasure and their substance to no purpose, sacrificing 
their national well-being, and running the risk of 
eventually bumping their heads severely. But in 
either case the ultimate result is a foregone conclusion, 
and in time war will inevitably disappear from the 
civilized practice of the world. 

This expectation is in advance of present public 
opinion, but I have no doubt whatever that my 
reading of the situation is essentially correct; that 
war, even if it cannot yet be said to be dead, is 
finally doomed, and that no possible setback in the 
fortunes of the League can seriously affect the ulti- 
mate result. In the meantime the widespread spirit 


of criticism, and even of hostility, which has accom- 
panied the progress of the League during the last 
ten years has on the whole proved rather helpful than 
otherwise to it. It has prevented an attitude of self- 
satisfaction from arising inside the League; it has 
rendered impossible a spirit of complacency which 
would have been fatal at the present stage. Nothing 
would have been worse or more dangerous than to 
have rested satisfied with the status quo and to have 
looked upon the League as a final achievement and 
as if the last word had been said. For at present 
the League is but a step in the right direction 
although a most epoch-making step and it will 
have to cover a long road to its goal of world- 
peace and human well-being. The critical attitude 
towards the League has acted as a spur to further 
thought and experiment, and has prevented the 
present inchoate stage from being stereotyped as in 
any sense final. The League in its methods and 
procedure is a grand experiment, perhaps the greatest 
ever traced in history ; perhaps an experiment destined 
to become the greatest institution in human govern- 
ment. But at present and for decades to come, it will 
be in the experimental developing stage. We are still 
in the creative, formative stage, and dare not rest 
satisfied with the results already achieved. And the 
deep note of criticism and scepticism continues to act 
as an incentive to further unremitting effort and 

Great ideas are wonderful things. They are the 
real dynamics of individual and social advance. 


Once a great idea has appeared in concrete form it 
seems to be well-nigh indestructible. It resembles 
a Mendelian factor which, once achieved, can never 
be undone again at any rate not in the ordinary 
course of events. The buffeting which a great 
fruitful idea receives from criticism or otherwise 
only helps it along all the more. What is true 
and fruitful and constructive in it is thereby dis- 
engaged and freed from the merely temporary and 
adventitious, and becomes in consequence all the 
more effective. That is one of the reasons why great 
ideas have often been so potent in history, in spite of 
the violent opposition which they have usually en- 
countered. In their fruitful truth they contain the 
energy of their own propulsion : they move by their 
own momentum, so to speak. And in the end they 
become irresistible. Their appeal, their contacts are 
universal, they become atmospheric, they infect minds 
in all directions, and they win through by their own 
infectiousness and irresistible power and driving 
force. The League of Nations belongs to this fruitful 
order of ideas. If it had not, it might never have 
survived the enormous difficulties which surrounded 
its origin and progress, and it would never have risen 
as it has done, Antaeus-like, fresh and stronger from 
every fall and every set-back. 

Let me briefly refer to some of those serious 
difficulties which it has encountered. One of the 
earliest criticisms levelled against it was that it was 
the conception and the work of unpractical idealists 
and enthusiasts, who had little regard to the hard facts 


of the practical world. This criticism was only too 
widely believed and did, and still is doing, an 
enormous amount of harm. That the Covenant was 
largely the work of a small band of so-called idealists 
at the Peace Conference I freely admit and all 
honour to them for their achievement. But that the 
scheme was visionary or out of relation to the actual 
world situation I stoutly deny. Woodrow Wilson and 
his co-workers were not only idealists but practical 
men who recognized that the moment for action had 
come, and who resolutely saw the business through 
in spite of all the criticism and scepticism which was 
the prevailing attitude towards the League idea at 
Paris. If they too had failed, if this unique oppor- 
tunity had been missed, the Peace might have become 
an unmitigated disaster. There is no saying when 
another chance might have occurred again, and we 
might in this generation have continued to be weighed 
down by the burden of the Peace Treaty, without the 
vision of world-peace which, under the Covenant, has 
been the one ray of hope and the one redeeming 
feature of an otherwise hopeless situation. Now, at 
any rate, the golden promise of world-peace has at 
last been saved out of the wreck of the War and the 
Peace, and the time may come when the world will 
recognize that the authors of the Covenant were the 
only really practical people at the Peace Conference. 
So far from the Covenant being visionary or out of 
relation to the facts and the exigencies of the time, it 
is clear beyond all doubt that the Covenant sprang 
out of the actual situation at the end of the war, and 


the temper it had created in the minds of men. There 
was an unspeakable longing that this horror might be 
the last of its kind ; there was the well-grounded fear 
for the future that another great war might be the 
end of the human race ; and there was the deep feeling 
that only the assured hope of future world-peace 
could justify the endless sufferings through which 
mankind had passed in the Great War. The Covenant 
was the creative birth which issued out of those bitter 
pains of the human race. If ever a great result arose 
directly out of the necessities of a terrible situation, 
the Covenant was par excellence such a birth of time. 
Its form was of course shaped by the minds and 
thoughts of those who elaborated it ; its substance, its 
real being was the direct response to the measureless 
woes and the boundless hopes of the human race at 
the end of the world-war. It was the child of the 
human race and of no individual or set of individuals. 
The movement of history is often creative in the true 
sense. Great events, interacting with the human spirit 
on a vast scale, become pregnant with new meaning, 
and out of the clashes, the sorrows and sufferings of 
the time, arise vague anticipations of a new order; 
then suddenly, unexpectedly, and as if by sheer acci- 
dent, there comes the embodiment of some great hope 
or thought, which, once formulated, acquires an inde- 
pendent existence and movement of its own, and 
becomes a new force in the world. It is only a shallow 
reading of history which misses this deeper creative 
character, which attributes all large-scale develop- 
ments to personal scheming, and neglects the im- 


mense movement of the imponderables, which has 
been the main factor. 

The essence of the Covenant and the most valuable 
and important thing in it is just its main conception 
that there shall be an organized system of conference 
and discussion between the States for the promotion 
of understanding and the prevention of war. The 
particular machinery adopted to secure world-peace 
is of minor importance in comparison. The particu- 
lar methods will change and will be improved with 
experience ; those settled on in the first instance need 
not be looked upon as more than provisional. But 
the main idea, materialized and regularized in a con- 
ference system, has a potency and a value all its own, 
and is probably the chief asset of the League. The 
conference system has become firmly established 
within the last ten years, and is functioning regu- 
larly; and so the main idea of the League has 
rooted itself in the public system of Europe, and bids 
fair to become the most important organ of it. How 
important such a regular conference system in itself 
is for the promotion of peace must be patent to all 
who remember the chaos in diplomacy which arose in 
July 1914 as the prelude to the Great War a chaos 
which, in my opinion, became the determining 
cause of that catastrophe. From this point of view, 
nothing can be more instructive than to compare the 
present conference system of the League with the 
methods in vogue before the Great War. To any one 
looking into the matter it must be clear that a wide 
gulf already divides us from the international prac- 


tice of the pre-war era. Nothing can bring home to us 
more clearly the real advance that the League has 
already meant in the public life of the world than a 
look back on that mad world of 1914. I would advise 
every serious student of the League system to do what 
I did last year, that is, to read once more through 
the diplomatic correspondence and the negotiations 
between the Great Powers which preceded the out- 
break of the Great War. Never before had the 
conviction been borne in upon me so strongly that it 
was not so much the malign intent of governments as 
the faultiness of the diplomatic methods which led 
to that tragedy. It was a failure in diplomatic ma- 
chinery even more than in human ability or goodwill. 
The popular idea fostered during the war period for 
propaganda purposes, that A was the devil of the 
piece or B it was who deliberately planned the war, 
has long since been shown to be devoid of substantial 
truth. There was more drifting than planning at that 
crisis of our fate. True, there had been a long era of 
large-scale arming for national aggrandizement or 
defence, for which a dreadful responsibility rested on 
all concerned, but no one was big enough or mad 
enough deliberately to press the button at the last. 
And when finally a far-off shot by a madman at Sara- 
jevo fired the train, there was no statesman big or sane 
enough in the wide world to stop the consequences. 
Human error and failure had created a situation 
which acted like blind fate, with which intelligence 
found it impossible to cope successfully in the end. 
There followed a week of frenzied correspondence 


and diplomacy. Through a thick fog of suspicion, 
misunderstanding, and confusion, the Powers were 
bombarding one another with a barrage of correspon- 
dence at long range. Sir Edward Grey, seeing the 
futility of it all, made desperate efforts to collect them 
round a table and make them reason together. But it 
was too late, and the confusion grew as terror, panic, 
and the traditional war complexes began to over- 
power the mass mind of Europe. You cannot impro- 
vise the machinery of reason in the last moments of 
chaos. And so in utter confusion and helplessness 
Europe stumbled, and could not but stumble, in 
darkness into the abyss. The situation is very dif- 
ferent to-day, whatever the pessimists may say. My 
impression is strong that if the machinery of confer- 
ence and direct consultation and confrontation such 
as now exists in the League had been functioning 
normally in July 1914, the outbreak of the Great War 
could have been avoided, but not otherwise. And I 
feel convinced that, in spite of its inherent weakness 
and its many incidental failures, the League in its 
present constitution and practice is a real guarantee 
against a recurrence of such a frenzied crisis and such 
a catastrophe as overtook the world fifteen years ago. 
Its regular and settled methods will help the world 
more effectively than all the alliances and balances of 
power and groupings of the pre-war era. And after 
all that is the true view and the real justification of 
the League. It is, and becomes more and more, an 
habitual organized system of international conference, 
it supplies the very machinery, the absence of which 

3404.4 R 


proved fatal in 1914 ; and while it may not prevent the 
sporadic outbreak of small wars on the outer fringe 
of civilization, it will certainly render a crisis such as 
that of 1914 impossible. 

I have laboured this point because critics are more 
apt to fasten on to details than to grasp the essentials 
of the League system. Holes can be picked almost 
everywhere in the details of its machinery; but its 
main conception, its central conference system is in 
my opinion unassailable. And if that system con- 
tinues to grow at the present rate, and to root itself 
sufficiently deeply in the public life of civilization, 
war as an instrument of national policy is certainly 
doomed in the long run. The League has become an 
established institution with its regular routine. There 
is all the difference in the world between such an 
institution and a mere declaration of policy such as 
the Kellogg Peace Pact. An institution is organic, it is 
a living, growing entity; it roots itself ever more 
deeply into the soil of life ; it has a definiteness, a 
materiality, an assurance of growth and continuance 
and security, such as no mere idea or abstract prin- 
ciple can aspire to. The conference system, incar- 
nated in an established institution which becomes ever 
more closely associated with the international life of 
the world, has a stability and acquires a prestige and 
authority which makes it a far more powerful force in 
human affairs than any abstract declaration could ever 
possibly be. The declaration may be good and useful, 
but it could never take the place of the living function- 
ing institution. The function requires a structure. 


Passing on now to another aspect of the League 
system, I wish to draw attention to its pacific methods 
as distinct from its pacific aims. The League aims at 
peace by essentially peaceful methods. Its main 
work is done through the international court, arbi- 
tration bodies, and conciliation conferences in which 
the parties to a dispute take part. To look upon the 
League as a League of force, as an organization for 
making war upon an international wrongdoer or 
disturber of the peace, is completely to misunder- 
stand its true nature. The issue as to the real nature 
of the League was faced and fought out in the Com- 
mission of the Peace Conference appointed to frame 
the Covenant. One school held that the methods of 
the League should be essentially peaceful, that con- 
sultation and conference was of its very essence, and 
that to endow it with a war staff and an international 
force would not only detract from its fundamental 
idea, but also seriously deflect it from its true mission 
and in the end injure its work. This was the Anglo- 
American view, whose advocates held tenaciously to 
the position that the League was not a repetition of an 
old device, and was not a war-machine to guarantee 
peace, but an essentially new method and proce- 
dure, a system of conference, arbitration, and con- 
ciliation to prevent war. It was recognized that these 
pacific methods might fail in their object, but so 
might also the opposite method of an organization of 
war in order to prevent war. And it was urged 
that the pacific methods were far less likely to 
lead to complications and to the eventual damage 


of the League, and would prevent it from being 
regarded as a warlike combination of a group 
of Powers or sort of Holy Alliance. The thesis 
of the French school was that the League in effect 
was an organization to guarantee the peace settle- 
ment, and they argued that a league for this pur- 
pose without a general staff and an international 
force to back up its decisions would be ineffective. 
If the League was really going to be a new power and 
vital influence in international affairs, if its decisions 
had to be respected and international peace main- 
tained, it was necessary for it to carry out its policy 
with its own force, if necessary. Without such a force 
it would not be respected or obeyed, and it might 
easily degenerate into a debating society, devoid of 
all authority or prestige. In this fundamental argu- 
ment as to the future character of the League, the 
Anglo-American view prevailed, and all attempts to 
establish an international war-staff and an inter- 
national force were defeated. As the Covenant was 
framed, the League was confined to pacific methods, 
the only exception to this rule being the unfortunate 
Art. 10, which guarantees the sovereignty and the 
territory of the members of the League. This 
Article, which proved the chief stumbling-block 
against the entry of the U.S. A. into the League, was 
subsequently attacked in the Assembly of the League, 
and a proposal was made to water down its effect. It 
can only be looked upon as an exception to the real 
trend and purpose of the League, and in time no 
doubt it will be modified. The economic boycott 


under Art. 16 is the only sanction with which the 
League was provided, and an aggressor who defies an 
arbitration award or a unanimous decision of this 
Council of the League has to face the severance of 
commercial and trade relations with the members of 
the League, and may in that way be subjected to the 
severest economic penalties. But the employment of 
force or the resort to war by the members of the 
League in such a case is not made compulsory by the 
terms of the Covenant. It was thought that the 
severance of financial and commercial intercourse 
was such a drastic punishment to a modern state that 
nothing more was really required in the nature of a 
sanction. It might be a difficult sanction to apply in 
practice, but the declaration of war against an 
aggressor under the Covenant would certainly be an 
even more difficult and dangerous procedure. 

Although the attempt to establish the League on a 
military basis was thus defeated, the French school 
and their Continental supporters were never satisfied 
with the result, and continued to look upon the League 
as now constituted as being too weak to provide real 
'security 5 . They therefore returned to the charge in 
the Assembly of 1923 and got the Protocol accepted 
by that Assembly. On a change of Government in 
Great Britain the following year, the Protocol was in 
turn vetoed, and the original constitution of the 
League therefore remained intact. I look upon this 
as a matter of first-class importance, and always con- 
sidered the Protocol as a real calamity from the 
League point of view. Mr. Henderson has made 


amends for this early mistake by his fine performance 
in bringing the whole British Empire under the 
Optional Clause of the International Court. The 
Protocol was in effect an all-in arbitration system for 
members of the League, with a mutual guarantee of 
military and naval force by the members in order to 
carry out the arbitral awards against any aggressor 
under the Protocol. It was a most ambitious attempt 
to end war finally and to constitute the League a 
military organization for the purpose. A new war 
association was to be created in order to fight war. 
Satan was to be enlisted to fight sin. To me this 
seemed a grave departure from the sacred League 
ideal, which was not merely to end war, but to end it 
in a new way, in a way which would constitute a real 
revolution in international relations, and which would 
educate mankind away from its old warlike habits. 
The arguments against a League provided with mili- 
tary sanctions, which had prevailed at Paris, seemed 
to me only to have gained additional force with the 
passage of time. I felt convinced that the Dominions 
of the British Empire would decline to fight the wars 
of Central Europe in the future, and would in the last 
resort break away from the League rather than remain 
in it under such obligations. The Protocol might 
therefore mean a serious defection from the League, 
which was bound in the long run to affect the attitude 
even of Great Britain towards it. It was clear to me 
that unless the Protocol was torpedoed, it would tor- 
pedo the League, and I consider the vetoing of the 
Protocol after it had passed the Assembly the best 


service which Sir Austen Chamberlain has rendered 
the League, the Empire, and the world. There are no 
heroic short cuts to our great goal of world-peace. 
Mankind has to be educated into a new mentality and 
into a new international method, and that education 
is proceeding normally under the Covenant. The 
scrapping of the Covenant for the Protocol or any- 
thing like it would have been a real calamity. 

Another serious effect of the Protocol would have 
been to drive the U.S.A. still farther from the League. 
In no conceivable way could the U.S.A. in future 
have taken part, directly or indirectly, in a League 
transformed on the Protocol basis. If the obligations 
of the original League were too much for the Senate 
to swallow, what would they have had to say of the 
obligations under the Protocol ? How disastrous the 
Protocol system with its war-like commitments would 
have been , appears now more clearly from the declara- 
tion of the Kellogg or Paris Peace Pact, which pro- 
scribes all war as an instrument of national policy. 
The Peace Pact is in line with the Covenant but not 
with the Protocol. The Peace Pact is an advance on 
the Covenant, as it is intended to close up a gap which 
was admittedly left open in the Covenant. But if the 
Protocol had become the basis of our public law, the 
Peace Pact would not have fitted into such a system 
and would probably never have seen the light of day. 
In spite of American absence from the League, the 
American mind is still moving in the direction which 
it followed at the Peace Conference, and the importa- 
tion of European ideas of military security into the 


League would only have alienated America further 
from the League. That would have been a calamity 
from all conceivable points of view. 

I said just now that a true and fruitful idea moves 
by its own momentum, and grows by opposition. 
The League supplies a striking illustration in support 
of that dictum. The United States, after having most 
cordially co-operated at Paris with the other Powers in 
working out the Covenant and in establishing the 
League, subsequently turned against both and de- 
clined to ratify the Covenant, for reasons of her own 
which it is not necessary for our purpose to discuss. 
Her defection was a terrible blow to the League, 
almost a knock-out blow, and many ardent supporters 
of the League were at the time seriously doubtful 
whether it could go on without the powerful parti- 
cipation of the U.S.A. Grievously crippled, the 
League still struggled on, made good, rendered 
notable service to an impoverished and distracted 
Europe, and gradually assisted in bringing order out 
of chaos. I need not recount what she did, but it was 
a notable record of good deeds, and its beneficent 
effects are being felt in all directions in the Old 
World. Meanwhile American abstention, which at 
one time had appeared to be such a grievous blow, 
began to assume a different aspect. America could 
not really wash her hands of her own work ; the great 
ideal underlying the Covenant kept haunting her. 
The fair-minded and reasonable men and women of 
that great people felt disturbed in their conscience; 
they could not really be indifferent to the peace ideal ; 


it dominated them as it had dominated Europe. And 
before long America was once more on the move, 
moving forward with an immense stride on lines of 
her own in support of the peace ideal. The apparent 
deserter reappeared in the light of a great reinforce- 
ment at a critical moment in the struggle for world- 
peace on the right lines. America is likely to become a 
member of the International Court, and has initiated 
a fundamental advance in the Peace Pact. What 
appeared as a bad set-back in 1920 has been trans- 
formed into a resounding victory in 1928, and 
America is once more in the van of the great move- 
ment towards world-peace. The League ideal has 
won, and Wilson's Covenant is being completed by 
the hands which tried to tear it up after the Peace. 
Like the soul of John Brown, the Covenant goes 
marching on, apparently benefiting as much from 
defeat as from victory. 

As all the members of the League, and practically 
all the states outside it, have signed the Peace Pact, it 
becomes part of the public law of the world. The 
important question therefore arises what the effects 
of the renunciation of war as an instrument of 
national policy will be on the peace movement ; also, 
how it will affect existing international law, and 
especially the law of neutrality, which was based on the 
opposite concept of the legality of war. International 
law since the time of Grotius has assumed that war is 
a legitimate activity of states; and the law of neutrality 
arose from the conception that not only was war be- 
tween two or more states permissible and legitimate, 

3404.4 s 


but that it was their private concern; that such a war 
had no interest for other parties, who consequently 
did not bother about its merits, and in carrying on 
their ordinary commerce treated both parties to it on 
a footing of absolute and impartial equality. On this 
assumption the rules of neutrality in time of war have 
been carefully and laboriously built up, particularly 
the rules relating to the capture of private property 
at sea, which figure under the general formula of 
the Freedom of the Seas. Let us endeavour for a 
few moments to see what the real scope of the Peace 
Pact is and what changes in fundamental concepts it 
will probably involve. 

Although the Peace Pact was preceded by a lengthy 
international correspondence in which various Powers 
set forth their points of view and indicated the limits 
within which they were willing to renounce war, 
there are no reservations in the instrument itself, 
which in terms is an absolute acceptance of the 
principle of renunciation. Neither in the Pact nor in 
its ratification by the Powers are reservations made. 
Even the declaration of the United States Senate on 
ratification, that the Pact did not lay any legal obliga- 
tions on the United States to go to the assistance of 
any state which might be attacked in violation of the 
Pact, constitutes merely a statement of fact and no 
reservation. So far, therefore, as the actual terms of 
the Pact go, it is an unconditional acceptance by 
practically all the states of the world of the renuncia- 
tion of war as an instrument of national policy, and 
an unconditional undertaking to seek their rights 


only by peaceful means, through legal decision, 
arbitration, and conciliation. The Covenant left it 
open to a state to go to war, in case there had 
been no unanimous arbitral award or recommenda- 
tion by the League Council in any dispute. Absence 
of unanimity in such a case left the position exactly 
as it was under the old rules of international law; 
either party to the dispute could legitimately resort 
to war; no penalty was put on it for so doing, and in 
case of war, the ordinary rules of neutrality applied 
to states who were not participants in the war. It is 
this opening for war which is now formally closed by 
the solemn and unconditional undertaking of the 
Peace Pact. It is, however, clear that even yet all 
war is not proscribed under the Pact, but only war 
as an instrument of national policy; in other words, 
private war waged by a party for its own national 
purposes. There remains the case of what is called 
public war, where a state becomes involved in 
war, not for its own individual ends, but for police 
purposes in concert with others, in pursuance of 
a public policy under a general instrument, such as 
the Covenant of the League. Thus an aggressor, who 
flouts a unanimous decision of the League, and goes 
to war, will come under the ban of the Peace Pact ; 
other members of the League who, under the pro- 
vision of Article 16 of the Covenant, subject this 
aggressor to an economic blockade, and in this way 
become involved in a war with it, will be engaged in 
a public war, and will not violate their undertaking 
under the Peace Pact. Under the Peace Pact which, 


in view of its universal signature, has become the 
public law of the world, there will thus in future be 
two categories of war : private war, waged for indi- 
vidual national purposes, and public wars which are 
accepted and waged as a matter of public inter- 
national or police duty. Private wars are uncondi- 
tionally banned and proscribed and as such can carry 
no legal rights ; public wars remain permissible and 
legal for general police purposes and the prevention 
of public violence, and carry the usual incidents of 
legal warfare under the rules of international law. 
Thus a state involved in a public war will lawfully 
exercise as against neutrals the ordinary rights of 
search and capture in accordance with international 
law, while one provoking a private war will not be 
entitled to these rights. The distinction between 
private and public wars, which follows logically from 
the provision of the Peace Pact, therefore calls for a 
supplementary general convention which will clarify 
the position, define private and public wars, and ex- 
pressly deprive those who resort to private war of 
all rights as against neutrals. By thus bringing the 
sanctions of international law to bear on the posi- 
tion of parties resorting to private war, a very 
powerful additional stimulus would be given to the 
movement towards universal peace. Respectable 
states are chary of going contrary to public opinion, 
and they incur grave risks in so doing, as the Great 
War has demonstrated. They will be far more chary 
of embarking on a war which will involve their 
proscription and outlawry by international law, and 


their deprivation of such rights against neutrals as 
they have been able heretofore to exercise legally in 
the past. The loss of these rights would be a severe 
penalty and act as a deterrent in most cases against 
private war in future. 

I would make a plea for such a convention, supple- 
mentary to the Peace Pact and carrying its general 
principles to their logical conclusions. The Peace 
Pact is only a grand beginning, and its general 
declarations should be followed up to their logical 
details. If private war is illegal, and the party resort- 
ing to it virtually a war outlaw, he must not only be 
deprived of all rights against neutrals, but other 
states should also undertake to have no dealings with 
him, and should not render him indirect assistance 
through the ordinary trade or financial channels. He 
should be treated as an outlaw, as a pariah among the 
nations; and this should be explicitly provided for. 
Such a convention would incidentally solve two most 
important problems, one affecting Anglo-American 
relations, the other affecting the operation of the 
Covenant. Let me briefly deal with these problems. 

The United States has been the protagonist for 
neutral rights in the past, and her claim to the Free- 
dom of the Seas remains the one great open question 
between the English speaking peoples, who to-day 
play so important a role in the affairs of the world. 
If this issue between them were eliminated, there is 
no saying how fruitful their co-operation may become 
in world politics, and how beneficent a part they may 
possibly play in the maintenance of world peace in 


affairs of the League, but the operation of the Peace 
Pact will mean a close co-operation by the United 
States from its free and independent position; and 
for all practical purposes that will be quite enough. 
One more difficulty remains. Under the Covenant 
and in the League there is the difficulty of determin- 
ing who is an aggressor against whom the economic 
sanction of Article 1 6 should be applied. The League, 
in spite of much thought and trouble, has not yet 
found any satisfactory answer to this question. A 
similar difficulty will now arise under the Peace Pact. 
If private war breaks out, which state has resorted to 
it as an instrument of national policy, and should there- 
fore incur the penalty of proscription and outlawry 
under the Peace Pact ? It may be that in neither case is 
a theoretically satisfactory answer possible . But it may 
also prove to be unnecessary. Perhaps here, as with 
so many other great problems of life and action, a 
water-tight theory may not be arrived at. And yet a 
workable way may be found in practice. Solvitur 
ambulando. Let me indicate one such practical way 
towards world peace, which may also prove helpful 
in identifying and pinning down the guilty party. 
Under the Pacific Pact, concluded at Washington in 
1921 between the Powers interested in the Pacific 
Ocean, it was agreed that, whenever circumstances 
arose which might threaten the peace, these Powers 
would confer with each other and concert measures 
for the prevention of war. The United States is a 
party to this Pacific Conference, and Mr. Charles E. 
Hughes has suggested that a similar arrangement 


could be applied to all situations, wherever arising, 
which might threaten the peace of the world. There 
could be no objection to the United States being party 
to such a General Conference system outside the 
League. It would include all the Powers interested 
in any area in which danger threatened; and in 
practice the Conference would in most cases prove 
effective in the keeping of the peace. If, in spite of 
all efforts, war were to break out, the question as to 
who is the real mischief-maker would have become 
clear through the work of the Conference. A Con- 
ference system similar to that under the Pacific Pact, 
and on more or less informal lines parallel to the 
League system, and including the United States and 
possibly Russia, may be a most useful and effective 
adjunct to the more elaborate peace system of the 
League. And the convention which I suggest for 
carrying out the Peace Pact might deal not only with 
the question of outlawry and neutrality but might 
also provide for such a Conference system, to which 
not only members of the League but also those 
Powers who are not League Members may adhere. 
In this way the unique opening given by the Peace 
Pact might be followed up, as it should be followed 
up without delay. It is America's great contribution 
towards world peace; it is her special approach to 
the greatest problem of our time and of all time, and 
in following it up we may therefore feel sure of her 
co-operation. It lays down a principle which, if 
sincerely carried to its logical conclusions, will take 
us far towards our great goal. 

3404.4 T 


The League of Nations Union celebrated the 
tenth anniversary of its foundation at a peace com- 
memoration dinner held at the Guildhall \ London, 
on November 14. General Smuts was the chief 
guest, and in reply to the toast of the League of 
Nations spoke as follows: 


IN the few minutes alloted to me I can only refer 
to a couple of points, and that in the briefest and 
most summary manner. But however short the time 
at my disposal I should not express what I feel most 
deeply, if I omitted to pay my small tribute to the 
magnificent work which the League of Nations Union 
has been carrying on. The educative and propaganda 
work of the Union has been of priceless value to the 
cause of peace. Its organization has been above party 
and cuts across all parties. It has drawn to it those 
men and women who really believe in world peace. 
To me, personally, it has been a consolation that, in 
the trying years behind us, South Africa could help 
the good cause by nominating Lord Cecil and Profes- 
sor Gilbert Murray as South African representatives 
on the councils of the League. What these two men 
in particular have done for the League and this 
Union it would be impossible to exaggerate. 

The public have helped generously with funds and 
must continue to help. There is to-day no better 
form of missionary enterprise than this service of the 
cause of world peace. Let us continue to make our 
contributions to this mission of peace and goodwill 
among men. 

In making our money contributions to the Union 
we are not only helping to realize a great ideal, but 

we are in a very real sense paying our small insurance 
against the greatest danger that threatens civilization. 
About the present position of the League I only wish 
to say this : the League has passed through many ups 
and downs during its first ten years. It is true that our 
highest hopes of ten years ago have not been realized ; 
but neither have the dismal predictions of the critics 
of the League come true. On the whole it has fol- 
lowed a course of its own, and has quietly made good ; 
and more recently its prospects have brightened in 
a very encouraging way. Germany, which was sus- 
pected and feared as a source of future danger to the 
League, has quite unexpectedly become an active 
member and a source of real strength to the League, 
and of support to all the good causes for which it 
stands. The United States, which was supposed to be 
indifferent, or even hostile, to the League, is going to 
join the World Court. The Optional Clause is at last 
becoming a reality, and an immense extension will 
thereby be given to the judicial side of the League's 
activities. The Peace Pact, which the United States 
has sponsored, has been signed, and has gone far to- 
wards closing the gap left in the Covenant . The happy 
conversations between the President of the United 
States and the British Prime Minister have given a new 
turn to the disarmament movement, and the forth- 
coming Naval Conference will open with every pros- 
pect of success. Last, not least, comes the great speech 
of President Hoover on Monday , November 1 1 , which 
must have been read with the deepest pleasure by 
every supporter of the League. There was a note of 

optimism in it and a ring of sincerity which are good 
auguries for the future. We especially welcome the 
forecast of the President that there is going to be not 
merely a patch-up of the naval question on a basis of 
parities and ratios, but 'a serious reduction in navies 
as a relief to the economic burdens of the peoples'. 
It is clear that at last business is meant with disarma- 
ment, and we look forward with the deepest interest 
to the success of this policy. 

In spite of all the good and hard work which has 
been done, very heavy tasks confront the League. As 
I understand the position to-day, there are three 
great problems before the League and the whole 
peace movement. The first is that of disarmament. 
If a serious reduction of navies is decided upon next 
January the way will be open for an attack on the more 
difficult subject of military and aerial disarmament. 
Of these two, aerial disarmament is the more urgent 
and important, as aerial warfare constitutes by far the 
more serious danger to civilization. It means ruthless 
warfare not against the armed forces of the enemy but 
against his civilian population, with the consequent 
destruction of cities and population behind the lines. 
The position with regard to air warfare is still in the 
fluid, formative stage; air forces are rapidly growing 
in many countries, and should therefore be dealt with 
without further delay. The menace to this country 
in particular from the air is more serious than any 
other which it has to face. Military disarmament is 
a far more thorny problem, and will probably require, 
and should receive, more patient handling. 


The second great problem before the League is no 
less important, and perhaps even more far-reaching 
in its bearings. It is the problem of justice. Our ideal 
is not merely peace, but peace with justice. There is 
no doubt that war has in the past sometimes served as 
a solvent for intolerable situations ; it has sometimes 
destroyed the bulwarks of ancient wrong and opened 
the way to necessary reforms and readjustments. If 
war in future is to be rendered impossible, we must 
see to it that its function, in so far as it has been 
beneficent in the past, be discharged by some other 
means. Peace must be dynamic; it must keep the 
door open to reform and to freedom, and must not 
become an incubus on human progress. The springs 
of reform, of progress, and of freedom must not 
be frozen under a deadly peace. Peace must be the 
handmaiden of justice in the new world towards which 
mankind is marching. This position was clearly fore- 
seen by the framers of the Covenant, and Article 19 
calls for means by which obsolete or intolerable 
situations can be abolished. The creation of such 
machinery, and its careful working under proper 
safeguards, will be one of the greatest and most diffi- 
cult tasks of the League. The time is rapidly ap- 
proaching when this task will have to be faced. 
Otherwise all our machinery of peace, our World 
Court, our arbitration tribunals, and other legal 
agencies will merely serve to entrench the status quo, 
and render the danger of future explosions all the 

The third great problem before the peace move- 

ment concerns the question, what has to be done with 
a disturber of the peace ? War may arise in future in 
spite of the Covenant and in spite of the Peace Pact, 
and, if allowed to spread, may envelop the world in 
flames, as we saw in the Great War. It is clear 
that the question of the policy to be adopted towards 
the aggressor, or the disturber of the peace, or the 
party resorting to war to further national policy, 
cannot be settled inside the League alone, but requires 
agreement between the League members and the 
United States. The question calls for settlement, but 
there is still serious disagreement as to the policy to 
be followed. President Hoover says that the Covenant 
means the application of force by other members of 
the League, and that the United States is confident 
that public opinion will suffice to check violence. 
But is there not a middle way open which both the 
League members and the United States may follow, 
without prejudice to their divergent viewpoints ? Both 
have signed the Peace Pact, and are bound to see to it 
that this great instrument does not become a dead 
letter. To both, therefore, we may fairly say: Follow 
up the Peace Pact. Do not leave its general declara- 
tion in the air, so to say ; but carry it to its reasonable 
conclusion. If that is done, it may be found, as I 
pointed out at Oxford last Saturday, 1 that important 
changes in international law will become necessary, 
which will render the position of the violator of the 
Peace Pact untenable, if not impossible. There will 
be no question of the application of force, but there 
1 Pp. 130-7. 


will be consequential changes of the laws of neutrality 
which will have the most far-reaching results, both 
for future peace and for the settlement of current 
controversies. The Peace Pact with its far-reaching 
implications not only affords an unrivalled opportu- 
nity for the strengthening of the peace position ; it also 
offers a bridge between the divergent views on peace 
methods held on both sides of the Atlantic. This 
unique opportunity should therefore be exploited to 
the full. 

I confess that I am doubtful about the suggestion 
of the President in reference to the immunity of food 
ships. I doubt whether methods of humanizing 
private war will ever really serve a useful purpose. 
That was the road followed in the era preceding the 
Great War. As soon, however, as the first shot was 
fired these humanizing expedients went by the board. 
It will always be so. War cannot be effectively 
humanized; its utter inhumanity and inexpressible 
barbarity will be its undoing and will work the cure, 
and not attempts at rendering it more humane to the 
innocent. The axe has been laid to the root of the 
tree ; let us keep hewing there. Under the Peace Pact 
mankind has definitely and unanimously declared war 
against war. Let us not in any way weaken or recede 
from that position. 

Let us develop the conference system, both for 
members and non-members of the League. The 
spirit of conference is the very soul of the peace 
movement. Such conferences will in most cases 
prove effective in keeping the peace, and if war should 

break out they will disclose the mischief-maker. Such 
conferences may also lead to concerted action in 
regard to any special immunities for food ships and 
the like, under very exceptional circumstances which 
may arise. But no general rules should be laid down 
in advance, which will make the way of the trans- 
gressor easier for the future. 



THIS visit to Cambridge is a great occasion for 
me, and I look upon it as an honour and a 
privilege. I could not have come to lecture before 
the sister university without also paying a visit 
to my Alma Mater; natural piety and the great 
memories of the past alone would have prevented 
that. I was therefore grateful for the invitation of 
the Principal of Newnham College to come and 
deliver the Sidgwick Memorial lecture this term, 
as it gave me the welcome opportunity for this visit 
and of addressing my friends in my old university. 

My memory goes back to the Cambridge of a 
generation ago, in which Henry Sidgwick was one 
of the foremost figures. I had not the advantage of 
attending his courses on philosophy, and have 
regretted this ever since, in proportion as my own 
interest in philosophical subjects has deepened. But 
I followed his course on politics, and this must be 
my excuse for taking a political theme for my lecture 
to-day. Sidgwick had not only a singularly acute 
mind, but very wide intellectual and social sym- 
pathies, which dominated his outlook on life, and 
made his philosophy in a large measure subservient 
to social service in the widest sense. Hence his un- 
remitting efforts for University reform; hence his 

1 Sidgwick Memorial Lecture, delivered at Newnham College, 
Cambridge, on 30 November 1929. 


continuous efforts on behalf of women's education, 
and his great work in connexion with the foundation 
and progress of this College. Hence also his interest 
in politics, both in its theoretical and practical 
aspects. Although his highly critical mind made 
him averse to all catchwords and popular phrases, 
he was a convinced believer in political liberty, and 
in the institutions to which it has given birth in the 
modern world. A brief discussion of the present 
position of Democracy would therefore not be out 
of place in a memorial lecture, and it might serve a 
useful purpose in drawing attention to one or two of 
the changes in political institutions, to which the 
present tendencies seem to point. Democracy is no 
longer accepted at its face value, and its institutions 
are being more and more subjected to hostile, and even 
destructive, criticism. A summary review of a few of 
its main features in the brief time at my disposal may 
therefore not be inappropriate or devoid of value. 

In one of his most famous and resounding phrases, 
Woodrow Wilson declared that the Great War was 
being fought to make the world safe for democracy. 
Events since the Great War have raised the question, 
however, in many quarters whether democracy is 
safe for the world. There has been a widespread 
disillusion over democracy; over half of Europe it 
has ceased to function as the mainspring of political 
institutions, and its place has been taken by forms of 
dictatorship, either of the one or the minority, which 
are a negation of the essence of democracy. Nor can 
it be said that these substitutes for democracy pro- 


mise to be a real improvement on it. Bolshevism in 
Russia, whatever its future may be, has proved to 
be one of the most destructive experiments in history, 
and has led to more human misery and to greater 
economic and industrial decay than would have been 
thought possible in a great European community. 
Fascism in Italy, again, in spite of its temporary suc- 
cess, resembles nothing so much as Vesuvius in one 
of its periods of quiescence; anxiety over what will 
happen next spoils the doubtful satisfaction over the 
present. The fact is that, while there is great and 
widespread dissatisfaction with present political 
democracy, no better alternative as a basis of 
government has yet presented itself, and the politi- 
cally more advanced democracies of the world con- 
tinue to move on the old lines, more from a sense 
of convenience, however, than from conviction. The 
active co-operation of the governed in their govern- 
ment still holds the field as the first axiom of political 
philosophy. But a subtle change is coming over the 
scene. With all the far-reaching changes taking 
place in all departments of life and thought, political 
institutions are in a sense also in the melting-pot. 
Human government seems to be outgrowing its 
political clothes; social and political needs arc chang- 
ing, political fashions are changing, and there is a 
growing spirit of unrest in the air, and a growing 
readiness to make political experiments. There is no 
doubt that mankind at least politically-conscious 
mankind is switching over, in some countries vio- 
lently, and in others more quietly and constitution- 

3404.4 ^^ v 


ally, from the old to new lines in political govern- 
ment, and a great deal of fundamental thinking will 
be required to make the change over as frictionless 
as possible. 

The most far-reaching change which is taking place 
to-day in human affairs is in the sphere of international 
relations; but it will not remain confined to those 
relations. The international is taking its place along- 
side of the national in the affairs of mankind. 
Hitherto human government has been moving on 
national lines, and international relations have been 
subsidiary, a sort of by-product of the national 
situation. But a change is coming in this subordinate 
status of the international. The League of Nations 
is the great new fact, and its ideal of the abolition of 
war as an instrument of national policy, which is now 
taking firm shape, is going to transform the national 
situation, and in the end to remould the forms as well 
as the spirit of national government. This is perhaps 
not yet realized, except very vaguely, and it may be 
useful to consider more closely the essential difference 
between the existing national and the growing inter- 
national system. 

The difference is not between state and super- 
state, as it is sometimes put. The League of Nations 
is not the beginnings of a superstate which is destined 
to swallow the present national states, and in that 
way to abolish nationalism. That has not been the 
conception of its founders, and if any such develop- 
ment is ever to take place in future, the present basis 
of the League will have to be radically recast. The 


League was not conceived or founded to function as 
a superstate. For that, its constitution would have 
to be quite different. It presupposes the national 
states and their continued existence. It is at present 
no more than an honest broker between states; a 
liaison of a new, regular, authoritative character. It 
does not displace states, but puts itself in the gap 
between them. It becomes the buffer which receives 
the shocks and absorbs the differences. At present 
it is only the wise broad-minded circumspect coun- 
sellor of kings. If in the end it becomes more, if in 
time the wise counsellor becomes the Prime Minister, 
whose advice is bound to be followed, that will be 
an unforeseen and unprovided-for development, and 
in any case it is so remote a contingency that we need 
not trouble about it to-day. The great change for the 
future will not be due to the status or the structure 
of the League as a superstate, which it is not, but to 
its functions as the pacificator, preventing wars and 
removing causes of differences between states. 

Let us consider for a moment what that means. 
War is, or at least has been, the chief instrument of 
national policy. The state has been defined as the 
worship of power. The greatness and power of the 
state is the pride and the ideal of its citizens, for which 
they are prepared to sacrifice their property and, in 
the last resort, their lives. The state incarnates the 
passion of nationalism which has been the most 
powerful factor in modern history ; and the last and 
chief weapon of the national state is war. In the 
competition for aggrandizement and power between 


states, there is in the last resort no other arbiter but 
war. War as an instrument of national policy 
becomes all-important to the state ; the glory of the 
state means the glorification of war. Owing to the 
absence in modern times of all other machinery to 
mediate between states, the role of war has become 
dominant, and war has in a large measure written 
the history of the world. The ridicule poured on 
text -books of history because of the emphasis they 
lay on wars has not been really justified. The 
importance of war has not been exaggerated; the 
text -books have only gone astray in neglecting other 
important factors. War was the greatest act of state 
of the nations ; and it was war that made peace be- 
tween them. We have seen a most illuminating 
illustration of that in our own time. The Versailles 
Peace was the latest, let us pray that it will remain 
the last, chief political act of the old order in fact the 
final act of the old war system, which has prevailed 
throughout history. Those who looked upon the 
Peace of 1919 as the new beginning, the foundation of 
the new world, expected too much. It was only by a 
miracle that the Peace Treaty contained the seeds of 
the new order which was to arise in the world. The 
first chapter of the Peace Treaty, containing the 
Covenant of the League, was an anachronism from 
the point of view of the whole instrument. At that 
one point, and there only, the new spirit burst 
through the old shell. Everywhere else we had a 
peace which was the consummation of the war. In 
that last supreme effort of the national system, with 


governments and leaders such as the war had thrown 
up, only a War peace could be expected, and that 
we got at Versailles. It was the last and ripest fruit 
of the old system. Settlement by war, war as the 
instrument of national policy; and a peace which 
reflected the mentality in which the war had been 
fought and which garnered its fruits: such was the 
old system, as it existed in 1919 and as it had existed 
from the beginning. The important point is that 
war was the very essence of the old system. In the 
great clashes of national ambitions, inflamed and 
rendered implacable by national passions and suffer- 
ings and injustices, there was really nothing else to 
decide under the old system but power the power 
of the sword. 

From this it follows that, if war as an instrument 
of national policy is to disappear, the influence of 
national passions in international affairs will have to be 
seriously moderated and as far as possible eliminated. 
War is the child of national passions, of an inflamed 
unwholesome mentality, springing from groundless 
or exaggerated fears or ambitions, usually from both 
combined. The most effective means of preventing 
war would be the cure of this national soul-sickness ; 
or if it could not be cured outright, it could at least 
be moderated, and its baneful influence on inter- 
national relations rendered less effective. Of course, 
the sense of security against war would be the best 
antidote to this disease. If the conviction becomes 
general that the League, and the influences behind 
it, can be relied on to keep the peace, both the fear 


of aggression and the ambition for aggrandizement 
would abate of themselves, and the inflammation 
which causes war would naturally subside. Our best 
efforts should therefore be directed towards making 
the League a reality, towards increasing its authority 
and prestige, and thus towards strengthening the 
atmosphere of security, in which the danger of war 
would of itself diminish and eventually disappear. 
The peaceful mentality could best be created by 
increasing the popular faith in the League, the general 
conviction that it is not a make-believe but a growing 
reality in the life of the world. The continual decry- 
ing of the League in certain quarters, the occasional 
failure of the League to rise to the occasion, the 
continued maintenance of bloated armaments even 
by those who profess to believe in the League, all 
combine to shake public confidence in it, to injure 
its credit and prestige, and to keep alive that atmo- 
sphere of uncertainty and fear which breeds the pest 
of war. While everything should be done by the 
Powers to support the League in its difficult task and 
to bring success to its endeavours, the organs of 
public opinion, the press and parliament and pulpit, 
should give it their warm support. Most important 
of all, an atmosphere favourable to the League and a 
peaceful co-operative international order should be 
fostered among the young, and especially through 
the school curriculum. 

During the ten years of its existence the League 
has made great progress, and its prestige is to-day 
happily very different from what it was in its first 


years. This progress should be maintained at all 
costs for the future. But although improvement and 
progress are possible along these lines, it would not 
be wise to rely on this possibility alone. It will take 
a long time for the fires that smoulder in the Old 
World to die down; and these fires are still con- 
tinually being fanned by an irresponsible press and 
powerful interests. It is still so easy to mislead and 
delude the public by playing on their national 
passions that it will not be safe to rely on the growth 
of a favourable mentality alone for the maintenance 
of world-peace. We should look also to other means 
of diminishing the pressure which unwholesome 
national sentiment may exert on affairs. National 
sentiment in international relations should no longer 
play such an overwhelming part, and means should 
be found through new institutions to moderate its 
excessive influence. I am going to suggest such an 
institution or new organ of government. And in my 
opinion it is all the more urgently called for, because 
something is wanted to counteract new disturbing 
influences which are appearing in the state to-day. 
For while the peace movement of our day calls 
for a real advance in public opinion, other contem- 
porary movements appear to be in an opposite 
direction. The wise guidance of public opinion 
becomes ever more difficult and uncertain. 

Owing to the spread of education and the reading 
habit, the pervasive influence of the press and the 
kinema, and numerous other forms of public and 
private propaganda, the massed force of public 


opinion is every day becoming greater and more 
incalculable, and to politicians more terrifying. It is 
no longer the elected representatives of the people 
who mainly guide and interpret the popular mind in 
matters political. The politician to-day often plays a 
quite minor role in the formation and guidance of 
public opinion. He is often more a puppet than a 
guide in public affairs. Compared to the other 
younger more virile organs of public opinion, parlia- 
ment itself is becoming of less and less importance. 
This is notoriously the case even in constitutionally 
governed countries, while in others parliament, 
except as a form, has disappeared. Universal suf- 
frage has not improved our type of legislator. While 
the growing intricacy of public questions makes 
politics an all-time job calling for great knowledge 
and devotion, the electorate not uncommonly chooses 
the more shallow and showy type of amateur who 
can be most profuse in promises. This has affected 
the position and character of parliament. From an 
attitude of respect to parliament, the public have 
passed to one of indifference and boredom. Political 
meetings also have altered their character, and are 
often attended more for the by-play and the fun 
than for serious discussion or political enlighten- 
ment; and this change is reflected in the scrappy 
press reports of such meetings. With this change in 
public opinion has gone a change in the status of 
public men of which they are only too conscious 
themselves. They are aware that they do not count 
any more in the old way, that their prestige has 


suffered and their influence on affairs has declined. 
In spite of the continuance of the old parliamen- 
tary forms, their authority is no longer what it was. 
As a consequence their old sense of confidence and 
responsibility has also declined. There is thus a 
subtle change of values which is acting like a solvent 
on the old democratic ideas. It is not so much 
criticism or attack of representative institutions 
which has done the damage; there has been an im- 
palpable change in the public mind, and the organs 
and institutions and personnel of human govern- 
ment have insensibly depreciated in popular values. 
In this loss of authority they suffer with most of the 
other institutions of our civilization. Authority is 
no longer accepted as an unquestioned fact and at 
its face value ; it is asked for its credentials or, what 
is worse, it is simply passed by silently and ignored. 
It is true that government has suffered less in prestige 
than parliament, and the decline of parliament has 
even tended to concentrate more responsibility and 
power in the hands of government. But even so, 
statesmen do not feel on as firm ground as formerly ; 
they have lost the old sense of security before the 
new incalculable forces and movements of public 
opinion. In this uncertainty and bewilderment they 
are often less inclined to stand up to the vagaries of 
public opinion ; their self-confidence has been under- 
mined, and the tendency to move with the tide of 
opinion is more pronounced than before. While the 
situation calls for supermen, the uncertainties and 
vacillations of public opinion seem in fact to have a 

3404.4 Y 


paralysing effect, and to lead to more opportunism and 
drifting. This is the case not only in domestic affairs, 
but also in the domain of international affairs. In 
this arena, which has always been dominated by the 
national passions the fears, suspicions, and ambitions 
of the nations the position has become more difficult 
than ever, owing to the vastly increased force and 
volume of public opinion. And leadership to meet 
this situation has on the whole weakened; states- 
men, even the most powerful and influential, show 
less inclination to stand up to the passions of their 
peoples than before. There was for instance more 
courage shown at the Congress of Vienna after the 
Napoleonic War than at Versailles after the Great 
War. The press was less vocal and public opinion 
was less inflamed and violent. Politicians to-day are 
often baffled and almost paralysed by the incalculable 
forces of public opinion that surround them. The 
position therefore often arises that in very difficult 
situations the politicians as the representatives of 
public opinion have to be cut out, and the handling 
of the problems entrusted to impartial experts who 
are not dependent on public opinion. 

As an instance, I may mention the Reparation 
question, which has had to be removed from the 
venue of politics, has had to be taken away from 
the diplomats and the statesmen, and entrusted to a 
committee of financial and economic experts. Ex- 
perts are not dominated by and dependent on public 
opinion in the same way as the statesmen. They are of 
course fully aware of the state of feeling among their 


peoples, they may even share that feeling to a large 
extent. But they are not dependent on that feeling, 
and they are first and foremost dominated by a sense 
of the facts, by a profound knowledge of what is 
financially possible, and by scientific principles which 
transcend the desires of men. And in dealing with a 
situation, which is not merely surrounded by intense 
popular feelings and illusions, but which above all 
calls for knowledge of fixed principles and for expert 
skill, they have successfully pointed out the way 
which the statesmen have had largely to follow. 
The Dawes and Young Commissions were not only 
valuable because of the great work they did, but 
even more so because they are typical of a new 
method of dealing with such questions. In the storm 
and stress of our time, a new mechanism is thus 
being evolved and put into the vast growing machine 
of human government. Of course there is nothing 
new in commissions; it is an old dodge of govern- 
ments to meet awkward or complicated situations 
with a Royal Commission. But the Dawes and 
Young Commissions differ from such bodies in 
many important respects. They actually tackled a 
problem which had repeatedly been before govern- 
ments and had been found to be insoluble by them. 
They applied the forces of science and expert skill 
and wisdom to a problem which had been hopelessly 
vitiated by human prejudice. And they succeeded 
in finding a solution, however temporary in character 
it may prove to be. These Commissions marshalled 
the new forces of science against the forces of 


popular sentiment; the battle took place, not in the 
calm regions of science but in the storm area of 
politics where passion had usually been victorious. 
And in that battle science won a victory, not only 
notable in itself, but far-reaching as a pointer on the 
future road of human government. Democracy is 
not enough. The fierce and implacable spirit of 
nationalism, of national egoism, which democracy 
incidentally represents, is not enough. National 
egoism and war are twin sister and brother. If war 
is to go, the other must go too, or at least its malign 
influence in the affairs of the world must be abated 
or neutralized. To make the new peace order func- 
tion successfully, it is necessary to provide for new 
machinery which will be less directly under the 
pressure of public opinion than the politicians are, 
and needs must be, in a democratic state. 

The position here is entirely paralleled by the 
development historically of peace and good order 
within the state or the nation. To suppress private 
feuds and vendettas or factional disturbances within 
the nation a system of resort to judicial experts was 
evolved. The decision of the quarrel was entrusted 
to men of recognized ability and impartiality, wise 
men skilled in the law and clothed by public opinion 
with the necessary authority. Private peace is based 
on the finding of the judicial expert, who does not 
enforce his own judgement ; he leaves it to the 
government or executive power to carry it out; but 
its execution by the government becomes in course 
of time the accepted routine. In the same way the 


new peace system of the nations necessitates a resort 
to the impartial judicial or scientific expert. Highly 
trained experts, with wide experience of affairs, and 
standing aloof from the political game, are called in 
to declare the principles of settlement, leaving it to 
the national governments, separately or in conference, 
to carry them out. In the new order of things this has 
become necessary machinery, just as necessary pro- 
bably as are the law courts in a state, if justice and 
f airplay are to prevail between nations, and the undue 
influence of national passions is to be eliminated from 
the settlement of international differences. It is only 
the novelty of the matter which makes us fail to 
appreciate its far-reaching importance for the future, 
and its necessity for the normal functioning of the 
new peace system. But the beginning has been made, 
fitfully and sporadically it is true; but in course of 
time the precedent of to-day will become the basis of 
the regular routine and the normal procedure of the 
nations in their common affairs. Just as kings and 
statesmen were not enough for the affairs of the 
nation, and judges became necessary to declare and 
apply the law, so statesmen are not enough to solve 
the problems which arise in international affairs. 
The national passions on which they are dependent 
for power, and the mass complexes often dominating 
and blinding the popular mind, leave them no real 
chance and make wise action most difficult. The one 
statesman at the Peace Conference who took his 
courage in both hands and saw his great ideal 
through, was immediately afterwards broken on the 


wheel by the greatest democracy of the world. It is 
not fair to expect the impossible from men who 
represent, first and foremost, not abstract ideals, but 
their own peoples with their national view-points and 
prejudices. The nations must become accustomed to 
look to the organized system of the expert report 
which gives a just and impartial lead to governments 
and public opinion, and which should be regularly 
accepted just as judicial decisions are accepted as a 
matter of course. The Permanent Court of Inter- 
national Justice, acting within the purely legal 
domain, should be paralleled by a system of expert 
international advisers, who will have no executive 
power, but whose authority in the domain of applied 
science, finance, and all the vastly intricate problems 
which confront the modern world, will be as readily 
accepted and will be as unquestioned as that of the 
International Court itself. 

The matter may be put in an even wider historic 
and scientific setting. Judicial institutions arose in 
human society because law was the only science in 
which expertness was recognized at that early date. 
Religion was left to the priestly order, who in the still 
undifferentiated domain of theology, magic, and medi- 
cine had unquestioned authority. From this theo- 
cratic complex, law was early segregated as the first 
science standing by itself and demanding an institu- 
tion of its own. This segregation was of course 
entirely due to the lawlessness and feuds existing 
within the community, and the necessity to compose 
them. Wise men, skilled in the customs of the tribe 


and in its ancient lore, came to be recognized as 
authorities, and were called in to handle the quarrels 
of the families and the groups. And in time these 
skilled exponents of the law of the tribe became the 
judges and the tribunals to decide disputes and settle 
differences within the tribe, and later within the 
nation or state. Thus law arose as the first science 
and was recognized by the state in an authoritative 
way. Law is the oldest but no longer the only science. 
The rise of the sciences, of Science, is the most out- 
standing fact of the modern world, and has led to the 
most far-reaching changes in human view-points, in 
human betterment, in individual and national power. 
Eventually it will lead to the greatest changes in 
human government. The rise has been so sudden that 
our political institutions have not yet had time even 
to begin adjusting themselves to the new situation. 
But science is necessary to the modern state and 
should have its functional relation to the state. Not 
only the discoveries of science, but the mature, sober, 
impartial spirit of science is what is above all else 
necessary for the functioning of the modern state, and 
of the new international system. Science is first and 
foremost an attitude, an outlook, a method of acquir- 
ing knowledge, and in the second place it is a body 
of results and truths. In both respects science is 
essential to the working of the state. The discoveries 
and teachings of science are the most powerful 
weapons with which man is fighting to-day the battle 
of life, and overcoming the evils and the drawbacks 
that beset our human lot, and this all-important fact 


should be reflected in our system of government. In 
view of all this it is a curious fact that science is not 
yet an organized government service anywhere in the 
world. I have, however, no doubt that the rapidly 
growing influence of science in all departments of 
human activity and of government will yet lead to 
a far more important place for science in the organiza- 
tion of the state in future. It may yet become the 
governing factor in our human organization, whether 
that organization will take the form of government or 
something better than government which may evolve 
in course of time. But apart from the power and 
results of science, we want to-day the scientific spirit 
in human affairs. Its method is that of complete im- 
partiality and absolute respect for fact and for truth. 
Human desires do not enter into the purview of the 
scientist in trying to solve a natural problem. Philo- 
sophers have attributed a moral indifference to nature : 
I think wrongly. But there is an emotional indiffer- 
ence of science, which is its very essence and ideal. 
Emotions, desires, passions carry no weight in the 
balance of science. Illusions do not count with 
science. Science is cured of the childish belief that 
what is desired must be true or must exist ; hence I 
have spoken of the maturity of the scientific spirit. It 
is this spirit which above all is to-day called for in the 
administration of human affairs. As justice is said to 
be blind, so science is deaf and blind to illusion and 
passion; it deals with facts on their merits. And as 
applied to human affairs it means the sober pursuit 
of the truth, the single desire to know things as they 


are, and to assign values according to the facts; to 
find solutions which will be in accord with nature's 
laws, and not the dictates of human self-interest. To 
me there is something divine in this lofty ideal which 
is the very essence of science. The application of the 
true scientific spirit to human affairs, if it were 
humanly possible, would mean such a reign of justice 
and fair play on earth as only poets have dreamt of. 
The cool, serious, gentle spirit of science is, above 
all, wanted in the storm-tossed domain of inter- 
national affairs. And the scientific expert, for whom 
I am pleading as a regular institution in public affairs, 
may prove a most valuable link in the international 
organization of the future. He will function normally 
and dispassionately, whatever international storm 
may rage outside; and his findings will be quietly 
accepted in the end, as the higher wisdom and the 
better way. 

But it is not only in international affairs that this 
new link of the scientific expert is called for. If 
Democracy is to last it will have to be introduced also 
into our system of national government. As I have 
already explained, the power of the Press and of other 
forms of publicity is leading to such an inflation of 
public opinion and popular and party passions, that 
statesmen have comparatively little scope nowadays, 
and find it more and more difficult to impose their 
wills. As a result we have governmental drift, stagna- 
tion, and impotence. By a direct road we march to 
Fascism and the like. Men will not sit down under 
intolerable evils simply because their government is 

3404.4 Z 


supine. These dubious expedients are resorted to 
when government does not function normally and 
wholesomely ; and the impotence of the government 
is often due, not so much to the people, as to a serious 
defect in the machinery of government. A moderator 
or regulator ought to be introduced which will tone 
down democratic excesses in a way which the political 
government is not capable of. It ought to become 
recognized that the scientific political expert is a 
necessary institution in national government. Great 
party disputes, which threaten the tranquillity or the 
progress of the state, should be remitted to a body of 
experts, whose personal characters and reputations 
confer exceptional authority on them, and whose 
recommendations should be available as a guide for 
public opinion and the government. Between the 
public, played upon and worked up by a storm of 
public opinion on the one hand, and the popular 
leaders on the other, should be interpolated this new 
institution of expert scientific advisers, who will 
moderate the public excitement, and bring the ques- 
tion in issue down to the bed-rock of fact. Where the 
government has to fight the fires of public opinion 
single-handed, and heroically does its duty, it usually 
gets burnt in the end, and punished by the loss of 
public favour. It gets punished, not for its sins but 
for its virtues, and its enemies rule in its place. The 
inevitable effect must be a weakening of the sense 
of responsibility in public men, an inclination cynic- 
ally to move with the tide, to 'dish' one's opponents 
and remain in office a little longer. Hence weak- 


ness, vacillation, opportunism take the place of real 
courageous statesmanship, and all good causes suffer 
because of the defects of the democratic system. 

To students of politics it must be evident that there 
is already a strong tendency in the direction I am 
advocating. Knotty industrial questions with a strong 
political taint are tending more and more to be re- 
mitted to expert inquiry. But it is necessary for the 
adoption of the new system that these inquiries should 
become more systematic and regularized, and that 
commissions of inquiry should be most carefully and 
impartially chosen , and their recommendations carried 
out, unless there is the strongest case to the contrary. 
The failure for reasons of party policy to carry out 
such recommendations makes the new system impos- 
sible, and often leads to disastrous consequences, as 
you will know from many recent instances which 
I need not mention. 

Apart from the factors already noticed, the work of 
government is rendered more difficult to-day by the 
unprecedented concentration of tasks with which it is 
confronted. The task of administration is very dif- 
ferent from what it was even a generation ago. The 
sphere of government activities has extended enor- 
mously, its duties have multiplied in all directions, 
and the new work is largely of an intricate and com- 
plex character. The burden is continually growing 
owing to demands for new services, and it is over- 
taxing the capacity of the old machine. The machine 
becomes heavy and cumbrous, the wheels become 
clogged and cease to go round with normal smooth- 


ness. The whole system of government tends to be- 
come top-heavy and to get out of gear. The machine 
has to be continually overhauled and brought up to 
date. We often blame the personnel when we should 
rather blame the out-of-date machine which they are 
called upon to work. In political policy, too, it is some- 
times less the spirit of the people than faulty methods 
that makes for failure. I am optimist enough to be- 
lieve that there is on the whole and in the long run 
sufficient good sense and practical wisdom in the 
people to make for good government and sound 
policy. There are of course moments of aberration, 
occasions when one or other section of the people 
seems to lose their heads, and things are done for 
which it, as well as the nation, pays dearly. But these 
are the exceptional lapses from habitual good sense. 
On the whole a well-trained European community 
can be safely trusted to do the best for itself under 
normal circumstances. If things go wrong, it is often 
the wrong political method that has been pursued, or 
a faulty institution that has functioned. Political in- 
stitutions often make all the difference between good 
and bad government. A people may have the sense 
of what is right, and desire to follow it, and yet in- 
adequate institutions may stultify that desire. The 
rules of procedure and debate in a legislature, for 
instance, may reduce it to impotence. Society is in 
its essence dynamic and organic, and our political 
institutions require continual reshaping if we wish 
to get good results out of them. The fundamental 
principles of government, the ground-plan of the 


democratic system, may be quite sound, but the de- 
tailed organization may become out of date. In that 
way the breakdown comes about. The city-state of 
antiquity, with the direct participation of all citizens 
in the assembly, succeeded for a time in producing 
the most wonderful results. But the time came when, 
with the extension of state activities beyond the 
bounds of the city, the multitude of counsellors only 
produced embarrassment, indecision, and inefficiency, 
and finally led to a complete breakdown, and a rever- 
sion to the old tyrannies. 

The nation-state of the modern world, again, with 
its indirect representation and parliamentary system, 
has functioned very well up to recent years, but is 
now becoming a much more difficult machine to 
work, owing to universal suffrage, the mass move- 
ments of public opinion, the multiplication of govern- 
mental activities, and the immense complication of 
modern industrial and other conditions. The men 
to direct and work so great a machine are not easy to 
find, and yet the people are supposed to find them 
with the crudest means of popular choice. The wrong 
men are often selected ; and even if the right men rise 
to the top, they are often inexperienced, and are not 
there long enough to learn to run their complicated 
job properly. Hence the risk of inertia and drift, per- 
haps one of the greatest dangers before the govern- 
ment of to-day. Urgent problems clamour in all 
directions, but the good man is absent or delays; and 
the job is in consequence entrusted to the blundering 
improvisor and the 'chancer', whose methods of 


hustle and noise appeal to the people, and especially 

to the sensational press. 

It is evident that under such conditions very great 
power becomes concentrated in the hands of the civil 
service. This power behind the throne has been 
steadily growing in influence with the rise of the 
modern state and the growing complication of 
the functions of government. Beneficent if kept 
under proper control, it becomes an unmitigated 
bureaucracy if it assumes control itself, as it tends to 
do under weak and rapidly changing governments. 
In some European countries, and notably in Russia, 
the bureaucracy has been the real cause of revolution. 
The uncontrolled service ceases to be the loyal ser- 
vant, and becomes parasitical on the country; even 
governments become its puppets, and in the end it 
comes to exercise authority for its own ends, and not 
for the public good. An ideal public service would go 
far to supply the deficiencies of democratic govern- 
ment, with its vacillation and inexpertness. But in 
the complicated organism of the state, any organ 
which becomes independent of the rest becomes a 
danger, and nothing is so dangerous to the state as a 
public service which does not march with the people, 
and becomes a drag on well-ordered progress ; it may 
even have to be dynamited out of its fixed position. 
Against the growing tendency towards bureaucracy in 
the public service, only strong governments can pro- 
tect the people, and democracy does not, under 
present conditions, tend to produce strong govern- 
ments. And so the vicious circle continues. Human 


government can be no better in the end than human 
nature, and popular self-government will continue to 
be a difficult machine to work in practice, until the 
political education of the people has reached a very 
much higher level. 

The end of government is not merely good govern- 
ment, but the education of the people in good govern- 
ment, its self-education in running its own affairs. 
Even at the price of less efficient government let the 
people by all means gain its own experience and 
develop its own capacity for self-government. The 
short cuts do not really bring us much farther, except 
to the next turn of the wheel of revolution. Liberty 
as a form of political government is a difficult experi- 
ment, and it is not without its dangers, as I have 
pointed out. But it is at any rate less dangerous than 
its alternatives, and under modern conditions it is 
probably the only political system that promises to 
endure. The consent of the governed is the only 
secure and lasting basis of government, and liberty is 
the condition of consent. Only free men can consent 
to their form of government. Where there is no free- 
dom and no consent, there must be a basis of force; 
the one or the minority in control can keep the 
majority in check only by means of force or domina- 
tion, which is utterly repugnant to the new tendencies 
which are shaping political developments to-day. 
Bolshevism and Fascism, which are the current alter- 
natives to democratic liberty, may be defended as a 
way out of intolerable situations, but they are tem- 
porary expedients, often tried and discarded before, 


and they will be discarded again after the present 
trials. The only political philosophy which holds the 
field is that which recognizes the fundamental ideals 
of human life in human government, and of these 
the greatest is liberty. No enduring system can be 
established on the negation of liberty, even if it comes 
with the temporary gift of good government. This 
elementary fact needs no labouring with an English 

To sum up therefore. Political democracy, as a 
principle of human government, is in essence un- 
assailable, and will continue to be the fundamental 
political faith of all advanced peoples. But the time- 
honoured institutions of democracy stand on a less 
secure footing. Various important factors are making 
for a change in the old organization. There is in the 
first place the growing complication in the character 
and functions of the modern state, which calls for a 
far greater element of scientific expertness in its per- 
sonnel. There is in the second place a far greater 
mobilization of public opinion through the Press, the 
kincma, and the thousand and one other forms of 
publicity which to-day make the work of the states- 
man much more difficult than before. Publicity is 
becoming an almost greater evil than secret diplo- 
macy was formerly. It gives a power to the Press and 
to all forms of scaremongering which rivals that of 
governments and becomes a grave menace to govern- 
ment. Those who are in temporary command of pub- 
lic opinion wield a power and an influence, both in 
national and international affairs, which may seriously 


interfere with the efficiency of government and the 
promotion of international goodwill. Against this 
new invasion the old forms of democratic govern- 
ment require reinforcement from the reasonable and 
educated sections of the community. Universal suf- 
frage has to be tempered with universal science. The 
forces of science have to be mobilized against the 
mob forces of publicity. This could best be done by 
following up the precedent, already repeatedly tried 
with success in recent years, of expert scientific com- 
missions to deal with complicated national and inter- 
national issues, which have to be removed from the 
party or partisan arena. The scientific economic 
expert should come to play in the modern state, and 
in international relations, a part somewhat analogous 
to that of the legal expert and the law court, and thus 
ease the responsibility of government in matters with 
which it is less fitted to deal. Already there is a strong 
tendency among big industrial and economic interests 
to cut out the government, and to seek the solution of 
their troubles away from the political interference of 
the government. The meaning of it all is that both 
the organization and the functioning of the state 
should become more scientific, impartial, business- 
like, and less purely political in the old sense. The 
scientific expert should come in as a new additional 
organ of the modern democratic state. 

Finally, the ideal of the abolition of war as an in- 
strument of national policy deprives national govern- 
ments of what has been their last refuge in the past ; 
they can no longer appeal to this great weapon of 


kings, and must in future organize their resources on 
a peace footing, and submit their quarrels to the 
tribunal of the nations. The favourite old dodge of 
avoiding internal trouble by embarking on foreign 
adventure can no longer be resorted to. Deprived of 
all means of external aggrandizement, the state be- 
comes an organization for the peaceful self-develop- 
ment and perfection of citizenship on a basis which 
will more and more tend to be universal, and not 
merely national. Its character will thus be profoundly 
transformed, but the universal human ideals, which 
have in the past suffered in the clash of national 
egoisms and of war, will have freer scope and fuller 
realization than before. The democratic ideal fits in 
with the peaceful international regime of the future 
and is in no real danger from it. 

I have occupied your time largely with a discussion 
of the changing institutions of democracy. But I wish 
in conclusion to point out that democracy in the last 
resort depends, not so much on machinery of govern- 
ment, as on the spirit of a people, on its unexhausted 
and growing fund of goodwill and understanding, on 
its capacity for social magnanimity and unselfish 
service. In proportion as this spiritual and scientific 
humanism becomes diffused throughout all classes of 
the nation, only in that proportion will the right 
atmosphere for democracy exist. It will be largely the 
function of the universities to foster this culture and 
promote this high spirit of social service and under- 
standing. It will be pre-eminently the task of the 
universities to train the future leaders of democracy. 


Through humanism, through science, by the culture 
of the spirit and the ideals of the higher life, the 
universities will equip the coming generations for 
their duties of leadership. The universities will thus 
come to play an ever more important role in the life 
of the nation, and will become the real spiritual home 
of its leaders. The young men and women coming 
from it will carry into national life and government 
that indefinable something which is more precious 
than all the organs and institutions of society. And 
only in proportion as they do this will human self- 
government come into its own. 


Abyssinia, 14, 24, 27, 44. 

Act of Union, 97. 

Africa: 'Africa for the Africans', 
45, 49; 'Africa will still remain 
Africa', 33-4; agriculture, 43, 
81-3, 90, Africa and the Great 
War, 24-6; Annual Conference 
on African Problems, 68; an- 
thropology in Africa, 86; camel 
transport, 28; Christianity, 52- 
4, 86 , civil servants, 54-5 , com- 
munication and transport, 27-8 ; 
education, 90; equal political 
rights, 94-8 ; exploration, 4 bqq ; 
political aspects of exploration, 
22-3 , industrial development, 
24; industrial segregation im- 
practicable, 93-4; international 
congresses, 22, 23 ; intoxicating 
liquors, 90; labour, compulsory 
or indentured, 45, 46; land 
settlement, 67; land tenure and 
cultivation, 80-3, 90; mandates, 
889; missionary work, 323, 
52-4, 85; medical missions, 53; 
mines, 40-2; motor transport, 
27-8 , native administration, 90, 
102 ; Native Affairs Commission, 
85; native migration, 65,90,99, 
100; native policy, 7 3- 1 03 , native 
political rights, 94-8 ; native 
population, 59; native self- 
government, 84, 901 ; native 
tribal authority, 8690; natives, 
characteristics of, 47, 756 ; par- 
tition of Africa, 235 ; racial 
problems, 30-1 ; railway com- 
munication, 27 ; segregation, 92- 
4, 98-103; settlement, 37-69; 
slavery, 5, 12, 13, 16, 23, 45, 46, 
77; taxation, 46, 80, 81, 82, 84, 
89; water pollution, 90; white 
settlement and employment, 45 
55 63-9, 80-1, 99-101; and 
native land rights, 55-60; see 
also Livingstone, David. 

British Africa, external trade, 

Central Africa, agricultural 
advances in, 31. 

East Africa, 29, 55-8, 62, 66, 
67; Bntish policy in, 49; ex- 
ternal trade, 31-2; settlement of, 
43-4; white settlement, 50; 
German East African campaign, 
25; Governors of East African 
Territories on European settle- 
ment, 57-8. 

North- West Africa, 27. 
South Africa, 4 sqq., 60, 82-5, 
88, 92, 94, 97, 98, 101, 141; 
mining, 28-31; Scots in South 
Africa, 3, 4, 7 , white population, 
41 , Union of, 27, 39, 68. 
South- West Africa, 27, 61. 
West Africa, 54-8; external 
trade of British West Africa, 

Albert Edward, Lake, 21. 
Albert Nyanza, Lake, 21, 27. 
Andersson, 7. 
Angola, 10, 12, 27, 29, 59. 
Aruwimi, River, 21. 
Aryans, 30 

Asia and Europe, 73-4 
Australian Institute of Tropical 
Medicine, 61. 

Bagirmi, 20. 

Bahr el Ghazal, 20. 

Baker, Sir Samuel, 14. 

Bangweolo, Lake, 7, 17, 19, 22. 

Bantu, the, 74, 75. 

Barth, Henry, 7. 

Bechuana, Livingstone's mission 

at, 7. 

Bechuanaland, 9. 
Belgium, 24, 25. 
Benguella, 19. 
Berlin African Conference (1885), 


Bolshevism, 153, 175. 
Borden, Sir Robert, 37. 
Bruce, James, 7. 
Brussels International African 

Conference, 22. 



Bryce, Lord, 112. 
Bukama, 27. 
Bureaucracy, 174. 
Burton, Sir Richard Francis, 13- 

Cameron, Lieut. Lovett, 19, 22. 

Cape Colony, 28, 95, 97, 101. 

Capetown-Alexandria route, 27. 

Capetown-Francqui Railway com- 
munication, 27. 

Cecil, Lord, 141. 

Chad, Lake, 7, 20. 

Chaillu, Paul de, 53. 

Chamberlain, Sir Austen, 127. 

China, 74. 

Chitambo, 19. 

City-state, 172-3. 

Commonwealth of Nations, 64. 

Conference system, 119, 121, 122, 

Congo, the, 27, 29, 59. 

Congo basin, 25, 27. 

Congo, River, 17-18, 20, 21. 

dimming, Gordon, 6. 

Dawes Commission, 163. 

De Beers, 40. 

Democracy, 1 5 1-79 ; dependent on 
the spirit of a people, 178; dis- 
illusion over, 152 ; essentially un- 
assailable, 176; excesses of, 170. 

Diplomacy before the War, 120-2. 

Disarmament, 143. 

Egypt, 27. 
Emm Pasha, 21. 
Expert inquiry, 171. 

Fascism, 153, 169, 175. 

France, 24, 25 ; and the League of 

Nations, 124-5. 
Francqui, 27. 
Freedom of the Seas, 130, 133, 134. 

Galton, Francis, 7. 

Germany, 24, 25, 44; and the 

League of Nations, 142; see also 

under Africa. 

Glen Grey Act, 46, 78, 79, 82, 83. 
Gondokoro, 14. 
Gordon, Charles George, 21. 
Government, difficulties of, 170-5. 
Grant, James Augustus, 14. 

Great Britain, 24. 

Great War, the, 87; and Africa, 


Grey, Sir Edward, 121. 
Guinea, Gulf of, 20. 

Health in the tropics, 60-3. 
Henderson, Mr., 125. 
Hofmeyr, Jan, 79. 
Hoover, President, 142, 143, 145. 
Hughes, Charles E., 136. 

India, 30, 32, 74. 

International relations, 154-9, 165. 

Itala, 19. 

Italy, 153. 

Japan, 74. 

Johannesburg mines, 41. 
Justice, 144. 

Kafue, the, 43. 
Kafue, River, n. 
Kalahari, the, 8, 9, 10, 28. 
Kasai, River, 10, 27. 
Katanga, 18. 
Katanga, the, 24, 29. 
Katanga copper mines, 27, 29. 
Kellogg Peace Pact, 122, 127, 129- 

37, 142, 143, 146; violation of, 

Kenya, 27, 44, 5*1 5^, 58, 59, 61, 


Kenya, Mount, 7. 
Khartoum, 21. 
Kibebrassa Rapids, 15. 
Kilimanjaro, 7, 44. 
Kimberley mines, 40, 41. 
Kirk, Sir John, 15, 16. 
Kordofan, 20. 
Krapf, 7, 14. 
Kruger, President, 6. 
Kwando, River, 10. 

Laing, Alexander Gordon, 7. 

Law, 166-7. 

League of Nations, 13, 74, 107-37, 
141-7; and international rela- 
tions, 154-9; as institution for 
world-peace, 108; change of 
public opinion towards, 10910; 
effect of criticism on, 115; 
failure to establish it on a 
military basis, 124-7; France 



and the League, 124-5; Ger- 
many, 142; future tasks of the 
League, 141-7; initial ridicule 
of, 109; mandatories of, 88-9; 
pacific methods, 123-4; still a 
'grand experiment', 115-16; suc- 
cess of, 112-13; United States 
and the League, 124, 127-9, 
135-7, 142. 

Covenant: criticized as ideal- 
istic, 116-17; establishes con- 
ference system, 119; reasons for 
its creation, 118; article no. x, 
124; art. xvi (economic boycott), 
125, 131, 134-6; art. xix, 144. 
Optional clause, 142. 
Protocol, 125-7. 
Leopold, King, 22, 24. 
Livingstone, David, 3-34. 43 ' anc * 
African natives, 5; and slavery, 
5, 12, 13, 16; and South Africa, 
4 sqq.; and Stanley, 5, 6, 18, 21, 
22; and Transvaal Boers, 6; 
Livingstone's accuracy and 
varied knowledge, 9 ; his Bechu- 
ana mission, 7; British Consul 
(1859), 14-15; his death, 19; 
early training, 9; expeditions, 
6 10, 1519; Mabotsa mis- 
sion, remains of, 6; National 
Memorial near Victoria Falls, 

5, 12; his wife, 6, 16. 
Lobito Bay Railway, 27. 
Lualaba, River, 12, 17-21, 23. 
Luapula, River, 17. 

Luebo, 27. 

Lugard, Lord, 57, 96. 

Mabotsa, 6. 

Mackenzie, Bishop, 16. 

Makololo, the, n, 15. 

Malayan Islands, 74. 

Manyema country, 17. 

Mashonaland, 8. 

Meru, Mount, 44. 

Milanje Mountains, 15. 

Moero, Lake, 17. 

Moffat family, 16. 

Moffat, Mary (Mrs. Livingstone) 

6, 16. 

Mohammedanism, 52-3. 
Monbuttoo country, 20. 
Monomotapa, 8. 
Morocco, 25. 

Mountains of the Moon (Ruwen- 

zori), 7, 21. 
Vlurchison, Sir R., 15. 
Murray, 10. 

Murray, Professor Gilbert, 141. 
Mwata Yanvo, chief, 19. 

Nachtigal, Dr., 20. 

Natal, 101. 

National egoism, 164. 

Nation-state, 173. 

Naval conference, 142. 

Near East, 74. 

Neutrality, 129, 130, 133, 134, I45 


Ngami, Lake, 7, 8, 10. 
Niger, River, 27. 
Nigeria, 27. 
Nile, River, 17-18, 21, 27; Upper, 


Nubia, 20. 
Nyangwe, 17, 23. 
Nyassa, 32. 
Nyassa, Lake, 15-* 7- 
Nyassaland, 29, 39, 56. 
Nyoro country, 14. 

Olivier, Lord, 45. 
Ormsby-Gore Commission, 50. 
Oswell, William Cotton, 10. 

Pacific Pact, 136-7. 

Park, Mungo, 7. 

Passarge, Professor, 9. 

Peace movement, the, 1 1 1 , 112. 

Permanent Court of International 

Justice, 1 66. 
Political policy, 172. 
Politicians, 160-2. 
Pondoland, 101. 
Portugal, 24. 
Press, the, 159, 169, 176. 
Public opinion, 159-64, 169, 170, 

173, 176. 
Publicity, 159, 169, 176. 

Quelimane, n. 

Rebman, 7, 14. 
Red Sea, 27. 
Rejaf, 27. 
Religion, 166. 
Reparation question, 162. 



Rhodes, Rt. Hon. Cecil John, 64, 

65 ; his ideas and policies, 38- 

43 ; Rhodesian settlement, 40 ; 

African native policy, 78-80; 

and equal political rights, 95, 97 ; 

his will, 107; and world-peace, 


Rhodes scholarships, 107, 108. 
Rhodesia, 27, 39-43, 61, 63; 

Northern, 29, 31, 56. 
Rohlfs, Dr., 20. 
Rovuma, River, 15, 16, 17. 
Royal Geographical Society, 14, 


Russia, 153, 174. 
Ruwenzon, Mount (Mountains of 

the Moon), 7, 21. 

Sahara, 27, 28; Eastern, 20, 

Western, 20. 
St. Paul de Loando, 10. 
Schwemfurth, Dr., 9, 20. 
Schweitzer, Professor, 53. 
Science, 167-9, J 77- 
Semhki, River, 21. 
Senegal, 27. 
Sesheke, 10, 15. 
Shire, River, 15, 16. 
Shirwa, Lake, 15. 
Shupanga, 16. 
Sidgwick, Henry, 151-2. 
Sidgwick Memorial Lecture, 151 


Sierra Leone, 27. 

Somaliland, 14. 

Speke, John I tanning, 14. 

Stanley, Sir II. M , and Living- 
stone, 5-6, 18, 21, 22; his ex- 
plorations, 20-2. 

Tanganyika, 12, 1 8, 19, 27, 44, 56, 

59, 88, 89. 

Tanganyika, Lake, 14, 17, 20. 
Tete, 8, ii. 
Timbuktu, 27, 28. 
1 ranskeian Territories, 47. 

Transvaal, the, 29, 42. 
Tropics, the, and health, 60-3. 

Uganda, 31, 54, 56-9, 88. 

Uganda Railway, 43. 

Ujiji, 18. 

United States and the League of 

Nations, 124, 127-9, i35~7, 142; 

and neutrality, 133, 134. 
Universities' Mission to Central 

Africa, 15, 32. 
Usambaras, 44. 

Versailles, Peace of, 156, 157; 
Congress of, 162. 

Victoria Falls, 10, 11, 15; Living- 
stone Memorial near, 5, 12. 

Victoria Nyanza, Lake, 14, 20, 21, 

Vienna, Congress of, 162. 

Wadai, 20. 

Walrish Bay, 8. 

War, renunciation of, 111-12, 129- 
32; past, legality of, 113, 129; 
future, conditions of, 113-14; 
inevitable disappearance of, 114; 
private and public, 131-3; war 
cannot be effectively humanized, 
146 ; as an instrument of national 
policy, 155-8; and national 
egoism, 164; abolition of, 177. 

IVcltamchauuntr, 86. 

Wilson, President Woodrow, 117, 
134, 152, 165. 

Witwatcrsrand, the, 29, 42. 

World-peace, 107-37. 

Young (Hilton) Commission, 48, 
51, 66, 67, 95, 163. 

Zambesi, River, 8, 10-12, 15, 16, 


Zanzibar, 32, 56. 
Zimbabwe, 51, 76. 
Zululand, 101. 


31 473